• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.80-109
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• 2020

The Sacheonwangsa Temple in Silla is an esoteric temple that was founded provisionally in 670, and was completed in 679. This study attempted to elucidate the planning method of the Sacheonwangsa Temple based on the results of research on excavations and investigations into its construction processes and construction measures thereof. The research results are as follows. (1) In the site construction, assuming the size of one Bang (坊) on the south of Nangsan Mountain, after dividing the north-south width into three equal parts, there is a possibility that two of these parts were set to the flat portion. (2) In the 'Jochang (祖創, 670)', it is estimated that an area of 300 cheoks by 300 cheoks was postulated on the flat surface, and, as an initial conception, the mandala's plane design of the outer square 2 hasta (3 cheoks) and inner square 1 hasta (1.5 cheoks) was originally devised for the setting of 'Mudra (神印)', and an area 100 times greater has been set as the basis in the scale and layout planning of the central block. (3) During 'Gaechang (攺刱, ~679)', it is judged that because of the narrowness of the distance between the Pagoda and Geumdang Hall, which occurs when the center of the Geumdang Hall coincides with the center of 'the first stage of the foundation (先築基壇)', the scale and layout planning were adjusted from the initial conception. (4) The arrangement of the building was determined by dividing the fixed size of the central block (280 cheoks by 320 cheoks). Specifically, the east-west direction is set on the quartile's line of the east-west width of the central block, and in contrast, the north-south direction is based on the structural characteristics of the central block. It is presumed that the position of the transept was determined through the division and adjustment of the column spacing of the east-west corridor, then the Geumdang Hall and Altar were based on this. (5) The scale of the Geumdang Hall and Pagoda is determined by the petition of the division by the unit fraction starting from the quartile's line of the central block's east-west width. This planning is understood to be based on the self-similarity, which is rooted in the mandala's plane design as the model.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.3 s.120
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• pp.368-387
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• 2007

In order to explain geomorphological characteristics of the Korean Peninsula, it is necessary to understand the spatial distribution of tectonic movements and its causes. Even though geomorphological elements which might have been formed by tectonic movements(e.g. tilted overall landform, erosion surface, river terrace, marine terraces, etc.) have long been considered as main geomorphological research topics in Korea, the knowledge on the spatial distribution of tectonic movement is still limited. This research aims to identify the spatial distributions of tectonic movement via sequential analyses of Digital Elevation Model(DEM). This paper first developed a set of terrain analysis techniques derived from theoretical interrelationships between tectonic uplifts and landsurface denudation processes. The terrain analyses used in this research assume that elevations along major drainage basin divides might preserve original landsurfaces(psuedo-landsuface) that were formed by tectonic movement with relatively little influence by denudation processes. Psuedo-landsurfaces derived from a DEM show clear spatial distribution patterns with distinct directional alignments. Lines connecting psuedo-landsufaces in a certain direction are defined as psuedo-landsurface axes, which are again categorized into two groups: the first is uplift psuedo-landsurface axes that indicate the axis of landmass uplift; and the second is denudational psuedo-landsurface axes that cross step-shaped pusedo-landsurfaces formed via surface denudation. In total, 13 axes of pusedo-landsurface are identified in the Korean Peninsula, which show distinct direction, length, and relative uplift rate. Judging from the distribution of psudo-landsurfaces and their axes, it is concluded that the Korean Peninsula ran be divided into four tectonic regions, which are named as the Northern Tectonic Region, Center Tectonic Region, Southern Tectonic Region, and East Sea Tectonic Region, respectively. The Northern Tectonic Region had experienced a regional uplift centered at the Kaema plateau, and the rate of uplift gradually decreased toward southern, western and eastern directions. The Center Tectonic Region shows an arch-shaped uplift. Its uplift rate is the highest along the East Sea and the rate decreases towards the Yellow sea. The Southern Tectonic Region shows an asymmetric uplift centered a line connecting Dukyu and Jiri Mountains in the middle of the region. The eastern side of the Southern Regions shows higher uplift rate than that of the western side. The East Sea Tectonic Region includes south-eastern coastal area of the peninsula and Gilju-Myeongchun Jigudae, which shows relatively recent tectonic movements in Korea. Since this research visualizes the spatial heterogeneity of long-term tenonic movement in the Korean peninsula, this would provide valuable basic information on long-term and regional differences of geomorphological evolutionary processes and regional geomorphological differences of the Korean Peninsula.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.5
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• pp.113-121
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• 2010

Shumi-sen(須彌山), built by Nohjagong(路子工) in the southern garden of the Palace Garden during the Asuka Period, is understood as being Sumeru based on an Indian perspective of the theory of the origin of universe. It is also viewed as Mt. Myogoh from a Chinese Buddhist worldview. It is thought to be a type of assembled stone structure with Poong-ryoon (風輪)-Su-ryoon(水輪)-Geum-ryoon(金輪)-Ji-ryoon(地輪) carved into each of the 4 stone pieces. These building shapes are thought to have been utilized as stone for exterior construction as opposed to those structures built during the Shilla Period of China and Korea. Aside from Nohjagong's record of Shumi-sen, most of the records from Japan's period of the time suggest that Shumi-sen was an important element that played a role in the scenery of the seasonal outdoor gardens. It is also thought, from the sentences and expressions surrounding the records, that a combination of the seasonal sceneries was utilized centered on Shumi-sen, and that they were all used during festival events. From a perspective of analysis and interpretation dependent on the limited literature and on observation, it cannot be verified whether the Mt. Sumeru Stone(須彌山石) excavated from the Stone God Ruins is the same Shumi-sen that Nohjagong built along with Okyo(吳橋), but it is thought that the 'Shumi-sen type stone structure' that was later built repeatedly as part of the palace garden facilities is identical to the Shumi-sen built at the Imperial Palace's southern garden, or at least a re-built structure based on the Shumi-sen that Nohjagong built with stones and ponds used to create the foundation. Thus, Shumi-sen that Nohjagong supposedly built along with Okyo is suspected to be a figurative rock arrangement and, at the same time, a miniaturized scenic rock arrangement(縮景樹石) that maximized the shape of Buddhism's Shumi-sen. On the other hand, the surface pattern on Mt. Sumeru Stone is very similar to the multi -layers of mountainous pattern icons expressed in the patterns of the Great Golden Incense Burner(百濟金銅大香爐) or Mountain-Water Scenery Sculptural Brick(山水山景紋?) that were built during the Baekjae pcriod aod the rear side of Hwalsuk-jebul Basal Byungipsang(滑石諸佛菩薩竝立像); it is suspected that similar patterns would have been used if patterns were made on Shumi-sen that Nohjagong built. Also in consideration of the physical theory of MI. Sumeru Stone, the Siphon theory of using a pressure difference in water level was applied to the fountain facilities of Mt. Sumeru Stone that seemed to have been built from the practical rock arrangement perspective for the purpose of feasts, etc.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.54
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• pp.349-386
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• 2014

Noju Oh Hui-sang(1763-1833) is one of the neo-Confucian scholars representing with Hong Chik-pil the Kiho-Nak School from the late 18th to the early 19th century. He did sincerely not only succeed theories of Kiho School originated from Yulgok, but also strengthened the main view of the Nak faction by clarifying the theoretical stance of it derived from Kim Chang-hyop. Not only he does suggest critical points of view against Ho faction in terms of Horak Controversy, but also criticizes heterodox account, which raised by an inner circle of Nak faction. In this vein, Oh established the neo-Confucian ways of realization of morality and ideal society by setting up his own points of view on mind and bright virtues that are followed by various issues of Horak Controversy. My paper will examine the values of Oh's account of Nature-Principle in the light of intellectual historical context by paying a special attention to his critical views of Ho faction. Oh's main idea is how to systematize practical foundation of realizing morality. Thus, he wants to theoretically explain both the practice of morality and the reality of pure moral mind in order to establish concrete practices of them in the real world. In doing so, he pays attention to mutual inclusive relationship between Principle and Matter(ki:氣). The mutual inclusive relationship between them can be exactly applied into the relationship between mind and Nature. So, the realityof moral principle explicitly implies the pure goodness of moral agency. Furthermore, his elucidation of logical relationship between mind and Nature and its values via the ontological understanding of them is to set up a system of cultivation, i.e., realizing practical foundation of pure moral mind. In conclusion, we can evaluate that Oh's account of Nature-Principle, at least, aims not only at establishment of moral agency and its reality in a theoretical dimension, but also at a guarantee of their realization in the world.

• The Sea:JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN SOCIETY OF OCEANOGRAPHY
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.190-199
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• 2008

To investigate hydrographic structure and characteristics of the tropical ocean in the eastern and the western Pacific, CTD(Conductivity-Temperature-Depth) data along $131^{\circ}W$ and $137^{\circ}-142^{\circ}E$ in July-August 2005 were analyzed. Sea surface temperature along $131.5^{\circ}W$ in summer is highest in the Equatorial Counter Current(ECC) because of the high-temperature water greater than $28^{\circ}C$ moving through the ECC from the western Pacific to the eastern Pacific in spring and summer. Based on the evidence of the presence of low salinity and high dissolved oxygen water in the North Equatorial Current(NEC), we suggested that the low salinity water moved from the Gulf of Panama to the east of Philippine along the North Equatorial Current(NEC). The South Equatorial Current(SEC) had the most saline water from surface to deep layer because the saline water from the Subtropical South Pacific Ocean moved to the north. The salinity minimum layer was observed at 500-1500 m depth along $131.5^{\circ}W$. The water mass with the salinity minimum layer in the north of $5^{\circ}N$ came from the North Pacific Intermediate Water(NPIW) and that in the south of $5^{\circ}N$ came from the Antarctic Intermediate Water(AAIW), which was more saline than the NPIW. Cyclonic cold eddy with a diameter of about 200km was found in $4-6^{\circ}N$. Sea surface temperature along $131.5^{\circ}W$ in the eastern Pacific was lower than along $137^{\circ}-142^{\circ}E$ in the western Pacific; on the other hand, sea surface salinity in the eastern Pacific was higher than in the western Pacific. Subsurface saline water from the Subtropical South Pacific Ocean was less saline in the eastern Pacific than in the western Pacific. Salinity and density(${\sigma}_{\theta}$) of the salinity minimum layer south of $14^{\circ}N$ was higher in the eastern Pacific than in the western Pacific.