• Title/Summary/Keyword: 봉안의식

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The Province Official's Roles and Uniforms in the Enshrinement Rituals of the Royal Portrait of King Taejo in the Early Joseon Dynasty -Focused on the 『Sejong Chronicles』- (조선 초기 태조어진 봉안의식에서 관찰사의 역할과 관복 -『세종실록』을 중심으로-)

  • Park, Hyun-Jung
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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    • v.40 no.5
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    • pp.801-814
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    • 2016
  • This study uses the "Sejong chronicles" ritual manual to investigate the movements and roles of provincial governors during the enshrinement rituals of the royal portrait, the official uniforms of the provincial governors in their roles, and the characteristics of the official uniforms system for local governors in the early Joseon Dynasty. The results of this study are as follows. Provincial governors who participated in the enshrinement rituals of the royal portrait were governors 'en route' and governors 'in destination'. The movements of the governor 'en route' followed the provincial borders, official residences, and neighboring provincial borders. The movements of the governor 'in destination' followed the provincial borders, the official residence, and jinjeon. The roles of the governors included the welcoming ceremony, the bow-down ceremony, the front guard, and the farewell ceremony. The governors 'en route' wore Jobok in the welcome ceremony, and a Sibok in the bow-down ceremony before the farewell. The governor 'in destination' wore Jobok in the welcome ceremony, and Jobok (or Sibok if Jobok was not available) in the bow-down ceremony before the farewell. The characteristics of the official uniforms system for local governors in the Joseon Dynasty were as follows. First, the governors wore different uniforms depending on the importance of the rituals in the early Joseon Dynasty. Second, the names of official uniforms Sang-bok and Si-bok were used interchangeably in the early Joseon Dynasty. Third, local governors were allowed to wear Sangbok (or Sibok) instead of Jobok.

A Analysis on Preference of Funeral Type by Socioeconomic Characteristics using Nested Logit Model (네스티드로짓모형을 활용한 사회경제적 특성에 따른 장사유형 선호 분석)

  • Joo, Ho Sang;Choi, Yeol
    • KSCE Journal of Civil and Environmental Engineering Research
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    • v.39 no.6
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    • pp.933-943
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    • 2019
  • The purpose of this study is to identify determinants for preferred funeral methods depending on socio-economic characteristics. In South Korea, the Act on Funeral Services, Etc. categorizes funeral methods into burial, inurnment, and natural burial. This study empirically analyzes how and what socio-economic characteristics affect choices among these three categories. Data is collected from Social Survey 2017 and funeral facilities in the country. The data to be analyzed is developed in terms of a hierarchy which puts the burial and cremation methods in an upper class and the inurnment and natural burial methods in a lower class. Based on this data, a nested logit model is employed to conduct empirical analysis. The analysis indicates that those characteristics that have a statistically significant influence on preferred methods include gender, age, householder, marriage, satisfaction with life, class awareness, monthly income, housing type, housing tenure type, and living in city area. Each variable's modulus of calculated direct and cross elasticity need to be used to analyze the outcome of a nested logit model. In this study, the modulus of direct and cross elasticity are determined for the significant variables. The calculated direct elasticity is applied to analyze the likelihood of choosing each funeral method when there are changes in the significant variables. When a particular method has been selected, on the other hand, the cross elasticity is utilized to analyze changes to the likelihood of choosing the other methods. One of the most notable results is related to natural burial. In order to meet the demand for natural burial, it is necessary to provide more burial sites and raise awareness of natural burial. This will facilitate the efficient use of national territorial space.

Soongeuimyo 崇義廟 Establishment and Soongeuimyo Jeryeak 祭禮樂 (숭의묘 건립과 숭의묘 제례악)

  • Lee, Jung-hee
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.19
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    • pp.317-346
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    • 2009
  • Soongeuimyo is a shrine which has Liu Bei 劉備 as the main ceremonial figure and also Guan Yu 關羽 and Zhang Fai 張飛 as ceremonial figures as well as 8 others such as Zhege Liang, Zhao Yun, Ma Chao, Huang Zhong, Uang Bo, Zhou Zhang, Zhao Ru, and Guan Ping. Since one of the ceremonial figures is Guan Yu, it has been considered and discussed as a Guanwangmyo 關王廟. It is also witnessed by the terms called the East, South, or North tomb that were the existing Guanwangmyo, or even 'West' tomb 西廟. Of course, the relationship between Guanwangmyo and Soongeuimyo cannot be excluded because they both have Guan Yu. However, Soongeuimyo is different from Guanwangmyo in some aspects. Soongeuimyo was of a higher grade than Guanwangmyo in the quality of the ceremonial figures, and it had a completely different music and dances 악무, in which it included court music(雅樂), orchestra for court music(雅樂樂懸), and Yugilmu 六佾舞. Since the first enshrinement ritual in April 27, 1904, the period of Soongeuimyo Jerye was performed for only 4 years until the close in July, 1908, which made it less known. Furthermore, because Japanese Governor General used Soongeuimyo land as orphanages and schools for the blind and the dumb, the tomb areas were completely destroyed and the space to recall memories of Soongeuimyo was lost. However, Soongeuimyo Jerye was one of the country's important ceremonies conducted as Joong Sa 中祀 with complete assessment of traditional music and dance for Jerye. Also, as a Jerye that Go Jong 高宗 designed as a strong soldier policy after his coronation as an emperor to enhance Dae Han empire's military power, it has much significance as Dae Han empire's last national ceremony newly created besides Hwangu Jerye 圜丘祭 after his coronation.

A Study on the Taeshil of Great King Jungjo of Joseon (조선 정조대왕 태실 연구(朝鮮 正祖大王 胎室 硏究) - 태실석물(胎室石物)의 구조(構造)와 봉안유물(奉安遺物)의 특징(特徵) -)

  • Yun, Seok In
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.46 no.1
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    • pp.76-101
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    • 2013
  • In this article, we examine the Taeshil of King Jungjo, the 22nd King of the Joseon dynasty located in Yongwol, Gangwondo. The Jangtae culture - burial of the navel cord - is a unique Royal ritual which began during the Shilla dynasty and continued to be carried out for a long period until the Koryo and Joseon dynasties. Until today, about 300 Taebong sites have been discovered, most of which are the Taebong of the decedents of the royal family of the Joseon Kingdom. Most Taeshils built for Kings of the Joseon dynasty were destroyed during the Japanese colonial period, among which only a few have been recovered and managed across the nation. The Taeshil of King Jungjo is one of the leading examples among existing Taeshils in Korea which has managed to preserve well enshrined relics as well as literature documents including stone relics in perfect sets. Thus, in order to examine the Taeshil of King Jungjo comprehensively, first of all literary materials related to the construction of King Jungjo's Taeshil such as the Josunwangjosilrok - "Annals of the Choson Dynasty (朝鮮王朝實錄)". "Jungjongdaewang Taesilgabong Euigwe (正宗大王胎室加封儀軌) - Royal activities related to Taeshil, and local historic documents etc were searched and put together, while a focus was placed on examining the geographical location and state of the Taebong, including the specific style of each part of the Taeshil stone and characteristics of enshrined relics. Such materials are believed to have important utility in the future as a basic material to be used for research, maintenance, and restoration of Taeshil relics. So far, Taeshil relics is a field that has not been able to attract much attention from the academic world, however attention has begun to be paid to Taeshil relics due to recent archaeological excavations as well as an approach to artistic history. Academic research results are expected if Taeshil relics are able to be examined comprehensively in future covering various areas such as literature history, archaeology, and artistic history etc.

A study on the Construction and the Transition of Daebodan in the Late Josun Dynasty (조선후기 창덕궁 대보단의 조성과 변천에 관한 연구)

  • LEE Yeonro
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.55 no.4
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    • pp.96-116
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    • 2022
  • The Daebodan was an altar, which held a memorial service for emperors of the Ming dynasty. This alter, which was referred to as Hwangdan, was first constructed in 1704. When the Japanese Invasion of Korea commenced in 1592, Shinjong, the emperor of the Ming dynasty, sent reinforcements to Josun to help. This alter was made to repay Shinjong's kindness. Before this, Song-siyeol(宋時烈), Leader of Noron(老論), made a shrine at Hwayangdong to hold memorial services for Shinjong, and after some time, this developed into a national ceremony. Construction of the Daebodan largely changed the backyard of Changdukgung-palace. However considering the construction process, the meaning of the Daebodan was not a big deal. At first, the optimal place for the Daebodan was selected at the site of a inner icehouse. But the inner icehouse could not be transferred to other site due to the circumstances. After all, the Daebodan was constructed at the site of Byeoldaeyeong(別隊營) which was located in the outside of palace. Most of the stones for the new Daebodan were used ones. And the annexe of Byeoldaeyeong was used for Daebodan without any changes being made. The scale of the construction was not particularly grand. After the construction, Sukjong, who made the Daebodan, showed barely any interest in it. But the conception of the Daebodan was back again in the history by Youngjo. He was also not interested in the Daebodan during his early years of ruling time. However, in the 1740's, he started to become interested in the ceremony of Daebodan, and carried out a large-scale reconstruction of the Daebodan. Jegigo(祭器庫) was rebuilt In 1739. And Jaesil(齋室), staying one night before the ceremonial day, was added in 1745. In 1749, the Daebodan was greatly changed by enshrining Uijong and Taejo, emperors of the Ming dynasty. The shape of alter was changed. Moreover this alter was made by newly quarried stones. And several buildings, Junsachung(典祀廳), Jaesaengchung(宰牲廳) and Akgongchung(樂工廳), were added to the site. In 1762, meritorious retainers were enshrined to the Daebodan. After all the Daebodan became an important part of the backyard of Changdukgung-palace. During the reign of Jungjo, the Daebodan also was an important part of backyard of Changdukgung-palace. But significant changes were not made at that time. The only change was the moving of Kyungbonggak(敬奉閣) in 1799. Afterward the Daebodan remained unchanged. The ceremonies at the Daebodan stopped in 1908. And the Daebodan disappeared into the mist of history.

Transforming the Wongaksa Bell[Buddhist Bell] to the Bosingak Bell[Court Bell]: An Example of the Debuddhismization during the Joseon Dynasty (원각사종(圓覺寺鐘)에서 보신각종(普信閣鍾)으로 -조선시대 탈불교화의 일례-)

  • Nam Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.104
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    • pp.102-142
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    • 2023
  • The Bronze Bell of Wongaksa Temple, also known as the Bosingak Bell, was produced in 1468 during the reign of King Sejo for dedication at Wongaksa Temple in the middle of the capital Hanyang in celebration of the tenth anniversary of his accession to the throne. It is currently heavily damaged and cannot be struck. This paper focuses on the man-made damage inflicted on the Bosingak Bell and explores when, why, and by whom the bell was damaged along with the historical significance of this damage. In the first section, the relevant literature is reviewed and the problems concerned, research perspective, and methodology are presented. The history of related theories is investigated focusing on the relationship between Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell. The perspective that Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell are the same is introduced. My discussion will be developed from this perspective. In the second section, the background to King Sejo's construction of Wongaksa Bell is examined. Specifically, the bells commissioned by the kings of the early Joseon era are divided into court bells (jojong) and Buddhist bells (beomjong). They total four court bells and three Buddhist bells. The former are the Jongnu Tower Bell commissioned by King Taejo, Donhwamun Gate Bell by King Taejong, Gwanghwamun Gate Bell by King Sejong, and Sajeongjeon Hall Bell by King Sejo. The latter are the bells of Yongmunsa, Heungcheonsa (or Jeongneungsa) and Wongaksa Temples, all of which were made during the reign of King Sejo. Sejo also made Wongaksa Bell and gave it the meaning that the monarch and the Buddha both wish to enlighten the people through the sound of the bells. In the third section, traces of the man-made damage done to Bosingak Bell are closely examined. By observing the current condition of Bosingak Bell and comparing it with the contemporaneous Heungcheongsa Bell (1462) and Bongseonsa Bell (1469), the components of Bosingak Bell that were damaged can be identified. The damaged parts are again divided into Buddhist elements and non-Buddhist elements. The former includes the reversed lotus petals on the shoulder band, four standing bodhisattvas, and the inscription of the bell composed by Choe Hang. The latter includes lists of chief supervisors (dojejo). I describe the phenomenon of deliberately damaging Buddhist elements on bells as "effacement of Buddhism," meaning Buddhist images and inscriptions are eliminated, and I note the prevailing rejection of Buddhism theory among Neo-Confucianists as its ideological root. The erasure of non-Buddhist images was probably caused by political conflicts such as Yeonsangun's purge in 1504. Since both ideological and political factors played a role in the changes made to Bosingak Bell, the damage was possibly done between the Purge of 1504 and the abdication of Yeonsangun in 1506. Chapter four traces the transformation of the Buddhist bell of Wongaksa Temple into the Bosingak court bell. Finally completed in 1468, the Wongaksa Bell only served its role as a Buddhist bell at related services for a relatively brief period of 36 years (until 1504). Wongaksa Temple was closed down and the bell lost its Buddhist function. In 1536, it was moved from Wongaksa Temple to Namdaemun Gate, where it remained silent for the next 90 years until it was struck again in November 1594. However, after the destruction of the Jongnu Bell in a fire during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592-1598), the Buddhist bell from Wongaksa Temple became a court bell. The Wongaksa Temple bell was relocated to Jongnu Tower in 1619, traveling through Myeongdong Pass. From then on, as the official Jongnu Bell (later renamed Bosingak Bell), it was regularly rung at dawn and dusk every day for nearly 300 years until 1908, when Japanese authorities halted the ritual. The transformation of the Wongaksa Bell (a Buddhist bell) to Bosingak Bell (a court bell) means that the voice of the Buddha was changed to the voice of the king. The concept of "effacement of Buddhism," evident in the transformation of Wongaksa Bell to Bosingak Bell, was practiced widely on almost every manifestation of Buddhism throughout the Joseon period. In short, the damage evident in Bosingak Bell underscores the debuddhismization in Korean society during the Joseon Dynasty.