• Korea Trade Review
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.187-213
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• 2016

Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement and Trans-Atlantic Trade and Partnership Agreement introduce "regulatory coherence." Regulatory coherence refers to "the use of good regulatory practices in the process of planning, designing, issuing, implementing and reviewing regulatory measures in order to facilitate achievement of domestic policy objectives, and in efforts across governments to enhance regulatory cooperation in order to further those objectives and promote international trade and investment, economic growth and employment." This paper traces ideas dealing with regulatory reform and regulatory transparency as discussed in OECD, APEC and selected WTO agreements, examines the text of the regulatory coherence chapter of TPP and TTIP, then examines the regulatory reform system of Korea to see whether Korea satisfies the conditions set forth in the regulatory coherence chapter of TPP. The paper concludes that the Korean regulatory reform system mostly satisfies the requirements of the TPP chapter on regulatory coherence, but some additional procedural reforms are needed for laws proposed by National Assemblymen, and regional laws proposed by regional governments. Finally, the paper notes that the Korean government has been mis-translating regulatory coherence as regulatory convergence, which is a separate idea, and the government should correct its error as soon as possible.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.64
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• pp.59-84
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• 2013

It has been 10 years since KBS first broadcasted TV program for the purpose of expanding mutual criticism among Korean mass media. This study conducted a content analysis of KBS episodes for the last 10 years. Through the content analysis, this study explored what the program had showed us in the aspects of 'the subject of criticism', 'the ground of criticism', 'the attribution of criticism'. The content analysis could show meaningful results to the study of media criticism, because it not only provides a meta-analysis of the problems Korean mass media have had for the last 10 years but also examines the program has been consistent in the regard of criticism fairness. The result of this study showed that has pointed out the practices of unfairness, political bias and superficial and shallow reporting as the most critical problems the Korean mass media have. Also, the result showed that had not been consistent in the regards of 'the subject of criticism', 'the ground of criticism', 'the attribution of criticism'. While the program mostly focused on the problems of political bias and unfairness in the early stage, the focus of criticism moved to the problems of sensationalism and superficial reporting laster. This study discussed that the change of criticism might have a relation with the change of KBS governance.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.73
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• pp.56-91
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• 2015

This study examined changes in the independent production environment in the perspectives from flexible specialization of labor and media routines since January 2011, when comprehensive programming television channels (JTBC, MBN, Channel A, TV Chosun) emerged in Korea. In-depth interviews were conducted with thirteen individuals, including producers from independent production companies, broadcast writers, and individuals involved with these TV channels. The interview results indicated that a flexible specialization production system had been established by the comprehensive programming channels. This means that they were heavily dependent on independent producers, except in relations to their own news programs. Moreover, it was identified that the production of diverse programs could be difficult due to absurd contract practices such as those related to TV ratings and performance systems. Second, these channels have implemented some positive changes such as the payment of higher production costs and an incentive system, compared to terrestrial TV stations. However, the incentive system also helps to aggravate internal competition in the channel and also instigate contract competitions among independent companies, which can eventually result in the channels for holding exclusive rights to certain content and, hence, unfair business practices. Third, as a result of the newspaper and broadcast cross-owenership system of the comprehensive programming channels, hierarchical independent production practices can be established under the influence of newspaper proprietors and executives or managers who have previously worked for newspapers. Lastly, as a result of interviews with independent producers and individuals involved with the TV channels concerning the awareness of comprehensive programming channels, it could not be ascertained whether it is difficult to produce programs dealing with diverse items and genres, because programming autonomy has been distorted by capital or the advertisement market. In this circumstance, it is not surprising that some comprehensive programming channels mentioned that they prioritize profit and performance in programming. In conclusion, it is absolutely imperative that complementary and legal measures be implemented institutionally in order to redress the existing systematic dysfunctional routines in the independent productions of the comprehensive programming TV channels in Korea.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.32
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• pp.295-332
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• 2006

This study inquires at behavior and attitude of gatekeepers at major Korean media in the process of selecting and covering newsmakers, with focusing on factors, paths and practices in making news on the people. The study assumes that gatekeepers' social networking process with social elites, based on birth places, alma mater and kinship, plays great role in making people in the news. The study applies methods of in-depth interviews with people-page gatekeepers and content analysis of news on newsmakers. The in-depth interviews and content analysis unveil that people-page gatekeepers tend to support high society and social elite group. Furthermore, through the process of news-making, the gatekeeper group shares social capital such as economic exchanges and socio-political influences with social elite group. The result of interviews and analysis confirm that social networking based on personal affiliation plays as an important factor in selecting and covering newsmakers. With in-depth analysis of news contents, the study finds out that social elite groups of top government officials, corporate CEOs, medical doctors, lawyers, judges, prosecutors, college professors, cultural celebrities and journalists, who are predominantly male, appear on people pages much frequently out of proportion. The content analysis also reveal that 'personal news,' which cover personal and private life or unilaterally promote newsmakers predominate in terms of frequency and amount over socially-important or pubic-interested 'public news.' In terms of news values, fragmentary news composed of sensational, personal and gossiping elements appear more frequently than socially-meaningful news with strong social issues and public messages.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.27
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• pp.63-91
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• 2004

The purpose of this study is to investigate the gender discourse of Korean newspapers. For this, the study analyzes the frames of frames of crime news on Chosun Daily and Hangyurae Newspaper for 2 years. The data are collected using KINDS, and include 265 crime articles involving woman. According to the results of this research, the episodic frames are used in the most of crime news. The five frame devices are founded in the episodic frame articles; the male subjectivity and the female objectivity, the male-oriented perspectives which reporters have, the abused sexual details and sensationalism, the emphasis of women body's fragility which imply woman's unavoidability as victims, and finally, blaming women who are victims of crimes. And in the articles of thematic frames, the similar frame devices are found. In particular, they only emphasize the problem of crime and fail to suggest a concrete resolution. Finally, the study discusses the findings relating to the patriarchal news making convention and the commercialism of newspaper industry. The two newspapers have been pursuing quite different political lines in Korean society. It is generally considered that Hangyurae newspaper is progressive and Chosun Daily is conservative. However, this study reveals that the way dealt with women in the crime news are not different. It is concluded that Korean newspapers still produce the gender discourse based on male-centric perspective and patriarchal ideology.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.71
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• pp.9-32
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• 2015

The media, traditionally, serves to reinforce one's limited memory and transform those personal memories of society's members into collective memories. Notably, the mass media collects countless pieces of personalized memories for the creation of collective memories. Through the process of recollecting as well as recreating the past in the present, mass media exerts influence on the means the public appreciates and understands the history. Although numerous new medias like Internet overflows in today's society, television continues to stand firm as the salient means to construct the memories in daily lives. In this context, the research aims to analyze the televised news as the principal agent of memory producer to determine through which memories it recreates the $5{\cdot}18$ in today's media. The analysis of news values clarifies that every government placed distinctive news values on $5{\cdot}18$ within its historical context. Even so, such values were often fixed based on its relations to the existing political issues. Furthermore, through the discourse analysis, this research concludes that today's coverage of $5{\cdot}18$ is softening and becoming conventional.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.185-226
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• 2022

This study examines the crisis of trust of French journalism in the context of a global decline of media credibility. First of all, in the process of a huge social movement called the 'yellow vest' movement that started in 2018, distrust of the French journalism was expressed in an extreme form. This study examines some external factors in terms of the historical development of the French journalism and the public's long-standing 'criticism of journalism'. Specifically, this study first examines the quantitative indicators of trust of French journalism which were shown in Digital News Report published by the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism. Next, it examines the historical and institutional formation process of French journalism and public distrust that emerged along with it. And specifically, the structural crisis-economic crisis, digital transformation and intensification of competition, and deterioration of quality problems etc.-of the French journalism exposed in media coverage on social movement in 2018 is review in relation with the working process or 'routine' of actual news production. In conclusion, this study asserts that the various aspects of internal rifts in French journalism system, as well as external shocks (the influence of social movements), are a key factor in explaining the recent decline of trust in French journalism.