• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.62
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• pp.140-158
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to analyze the media policy of the Third Republic and its influence on local newspapers in Korea. Just after the May 16th coup Military Government enforced the press merger and abolition and in 1962 announced the direction of the media policy and its implementation standards. These standards had a serious impact on local newspapers. It had resulted in weakening the reporting activities and aggravating the financial difficulties of the local newspapers. The media policy in 1971, which was in the form of self-purification resolutions of media corporations limited the dissemination and weakened the activities of local newspapers. By these measures the centralizing to Seoul of the media had to be deepened. The industrialization policy promoted by the Third Republic exacerbated this centralizing process.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.192-210
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• 2011

This paper attempts to analyze the Park regime's labor control strategy. Specifically, the research questions are twofold: (i) what strategy was it the Park regime adopted? and (ii) why did the Park regime adopt it? According to the analysis, the Park regime chose a mixed strategy based on state corporatism in the 1960s, while adopting a market mechanism strategy in the 1970s. The former tried to control unions by a state-created worker organization with the market, and the latter attempted to weaken unions as bargaining agent to a maximum extent by using market mechanism. The basic reason why the Park regime changed its labor control strategy was complex, (i) appearance of the unstable political ad economic signals and (ii) the ineffectiveness of the labor control strategy in the 1960s.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.279-302
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• 2019

This paper introduces Youngju Ryu's Writers of the Winter Republic: Literature and Resistance in Park Chung Hee's Korea, and examines its significance and limitations. The book examines the relationship between literature and politics during the Park Chung-hee Yushin era, focusing on Yang Sŏng-u, Kim Chi-ha, Yi Mun-gu, Cho Se-hŭi, and Hwang Sok-yong. The books starts by describing the relationship between the U.S. hegemony and the Park Chung-hee regime during the Cold War. The book shows how poets like Yang and Kim fought against the Park Chung-hee regime based on poems, trial records and memoirs, while it describes novelists such as Yi's resistance by how novels envisioned a community against the Park administration based on the keyword "neighborhood." This is significant in that it describes how literature from the Park Chung-hee era was able to stand on the front lines against the regime. However, it is regrettable that because the book adopts a heroic tale to describe their lives and literature, these are illuminated in a somewhat flat way. Also it is noteworthy that the lives and works of novelists after the 2000s were illuminated, but Yang and Kim's life and literature were not described. Furthermore, it is regrettable that women writers were not mentioned and its concept of "politics" is rather shallow. Overall, this book is very significant in that it introduces the relationship between Korean literature and politics in the Korea of the 1970s with rich data and a beautiful style, as well as allowing Korean studies researchers to reflect on the future of Korean studies.

• 대학교육
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• s.144
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• pp.5-10
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• 2006

시절에 따라 대학교수의 사회참여 형태는 그 성격을 달리해 왔다. 이승만 정권을 무너뜨릴 때 대학교수들이 중요한 역할을 했고, 박정희 정권 시절에는 기술관료의 역할과 정권의 정당화 역할을 수행하는 양방향으로 사회참여가 이루어졌다. 5공화국 시절에는 '진보적 지식인'으로서의 대학교수상이 대두되었고, 문민정부와 국민의 정부에서도 대학교수는 그 모습을 달리했다. 참여정부라 일컬어지는 현 정권 안에서 대학교수는 또 다른 역할을 요구받고 있으며 시대의 흐름상 권력과 지식은 상호 간에 적당한 거리를 유지하며 적절한 관계를 맺어야 상호 실현이 가능하다고 판단되고 있다. 결국 대학교수를 포함한 지식인의 사회참여 문제는 사회참여 그 자체가 문제가 아니라‘어떤 참여’냐 하는 문제가 되는 것이다.

• 프린팅코리아
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• v.14 no.7
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• pp.94-95
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• 2014

'인쇄인 강은기 평전'은 인쇄인으로서 민주화운동의 숨은 지사로 살다 간 강은기의 삶과 사상을 엮은 책이다. 박정희 유신체제가 서슬 퍼런 시절부터 독재정권의 감시를 피해가며 각종 시국선언문과 화보집, 소식지 등을 도맡아 인쇄했던 인쇄인 강은기의 파란만장한 삶을 담아냈다.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.5-38
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• 2020

The current state of performance halls in South Korea is closely related to the performance art and culture of the nation as the culture of putting on and enjoying a performance is deeply rooted in public culture and arts halls representing each area at the local government level. Today, public culture and arts halls have multiple management purposes, and the subjects of their management are in the public domain including the central and local governments or investment and donation foundations in overwhelming cases. Public culture and arts halls thus have close correlations with the institutional aspect of cultural policies as the objects of culture and art policies at the central and local government level. The full-blown era of public culture and arts halls opened up in the 1980s~1990s, during which multi-purpose performance halls of a similar structure became universal around the nation. Public culture and arts halls of the uniform shape were distributed around the nation with no premise of genre characteristics or local environments for arts, and this was attributed to the cultural policies of the military regime. The Park Chung-hee regime proclaimed Yusin that was beyond the Constitution and enacted the Culture and Arts Promotion Act(September, 1972), which was the first culture and arts act in the nation. Based on the act, a five-year plan for the promotion of culture and arts(1973) was made and led to the construction of cultural facilities. "Public culture and arts" halls or "culture" halls were built to serve multiple purposes around the nation because the Culture and Arts Promotion Act, which is called the starting point of the nation's legal system for culture and arts, defined "culture and arts" as "matters regarding literature, art, music, entertainment, and publications." The definition became a ground for the current "multi-purpose" concept. The organization of Ministry of Culture and Public Information set up a culture and administration system to state its supervision of "culture and arts" and distinguish popular culture from the promotion of arts. During the period, former President Park exhibited his perception of "culture=arts=culture and arts" in his speeches. Arts belonged to the category of culture, but it was considered as "culture and arts." There was no department devoted to arts policies when the act was enacted with a broad scope of culture accepted. This ambiguity worked as a mechanism to mobilize arts in ideological utilizations as a policy. Against this backdrop, the Sejong Center for the Performing Arts, a multi-purpose performance hall, was established in 1978 based on the Culture and Arts Promotion Act under the supervision of Ministry of Culture and Public Information. There were, however, conflicts of value over the issue of accepting the popular music among the "culture and arts = multiple purposes" of the system, "culture ≠ arts" of the cultural organization that pushed forward its establishment, and "culture and arts = arts" perceived by the powerful class. The new military regime seized power after Coup d'état of December 12, 1979 and failed at its culture policy of bringing the resistance force within the system. It tried to differentiate itself from the Park regime by converting the perception into "expansion of opportunities for the people to enjoy culture" to gain people's supports both from the side of resistance and that of support. For the Chun Doo-hwan regime, differentiating itself from the previous regime was to secure legitimacy. Expansion of opportunities to enjoy culture was pushed forward at the level of national distribution. This approach thus failed to settle down as a long-term policy of arts development, and the military regime tried to secure its legitimacy through the symbolism of hardware. During the period, the institutional ground for public culture and arts halls was based on the definition of "culture and arts" in the Culture and Arts Promotion Act enacted under the Yusin system of the Park regime. The "multi-purpose" concept, which was the management goal of public performance halls, was born based on this. In this context of the times, proscenium performance halls of a similar structure and public culture and arts halls with a similar management goal were established around the nation, leading to today's performance art and culture in the nation.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.9 no.6
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• pp.72-81
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• 2009

This article deals with the relation of korean animation and film policy from the late 1960s to early 1980s. The korean film policy was based on ideology of modernization. Animation industry was under the this policy. The result of effect of this film policy on animation was following. Firstly, there was the boom up of making of animation. Secondly was increasing of subcontract. The encouragement of exportation of government drove many companies to this trend. Lastly, many animations conspired to exercise the ideology of regime. Example was anti-communist animation. In that period the historical specificity of Korean animation had been built in these process.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.5-58
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• 2019

The purpose of this article is to bring about 10.26 accident by providing a fuse for the overthrow of the Park Chung-hee administration in the 10.18 Buma uprising. So, first of all, this article has a main purpose in analyzing the comparison between Masan's 3.15 uprising and 10.18 Buma uprising. The purpose of the study is to compare the 3.15 democratic movement in Masan with the 10.18 Buma uprising, given that the incident laid the foundation for the dictator to be overthrown in the event of an anti-dictatorial movement in Masan. The research method of this article is intended to be used as a research method in the 3.15 and 10.18 protests, given that if a person in power conducts election fraud or suppresses anti-government movements in order to maintain the system, it could lead to the destruction of those in power. In the end, the Masan 3.15 uprising and 10.18 uprising failed to reach a direct attempt to overthrow the regime due to unfinished democratic movements, but with the revolution of 4.19 and the massive political transformation of 10.26 Accident, he achieved the leading role theory that allowed the Rhee Syngman and Park Chung-hee administrations. In eradicating authoritarian regimes, however, the historic significance of the democratization movement was that the authoritarian regime eventually brought about the collapse of the regime by making a hard-line stance on election schemes or popular protests over the trap of power boomerang, which causes the regime to collapse.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.329-362
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• 2017

This study starts from the awareness that 'rebellious communication' is still being regulated in various ways even though 'rebellious communication' was declared unconstitutional in a decision by the Constitutional Court in 2002. The meaning of 'rebellious' has been amplified and transformed at various points through the censorship systems established during the Japanese colonial era, the US military period, and the regime of Park Jung-hee. In particular, 'rebellious communication' is regulated to protect 'national security' and 'social customs' from the perspective of power. This study analyzed discourses containing judgement about the Park Jung-geun case and the violation of the National Security Law using retweet accounts or posts related to North Korea. This study explores the genealogy of 'rebellious communication' based on its relationship to the characteristics of Twitter and specific individuals.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.195-229
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• 2018

This study has examined how the welfare system has changed as it has passed through the most controversial period in Korean modern history. The welfare system has changed in a way that adapts to the need for export-led economic growth. Industrialization centered on light industry, which started in the mid-1960s, absorbed the labor force that existed in the rural areas and commodified them, thereby creating a momentum for Korean society to get out of poverty. However, the public de-commodification, ie social security system, adapted to the commodification of the labor force has been institutionalized only in a very limited area and people. Indeed, the de-commodification system was confined to the area directly linked to the reproduction of the labor force. Even so, the target was very limited in the abundance of labor in rural areas. Compulsory medical insurance was rejected because of corporate burden, and industrial accidents insurance was introduced centering on large-scale workplaces. As the Korean economy began to move from the light industry to the heavy industry in the 1970s, the commodificated labor force changed from a low skilled labor force to a skilled male labor force. It is at this time that dual structures have begun to be created between workers employed in export-oriented large enterprises and workers employed in domestic-oriented SMEs. Therefore, the system of de-commodification that supports the reproduction of labor power in response to social risks has also been institutionalized centering on large-scale workplaces.