• Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.99-114
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• 2020

The characteristics of the Brazilian tensile strengths(σ_t) parallel to the rock cleavages in Jurassic granite from Geochang were analysed. The evaluation for the six directions of rock cleavages was performed using the parameter values on microcrack length and the above strength. The strength values of the five test specimens belonging to each direction were classified into five groups. The strength values of these five groups increase in order of group A < B < C < D < E. The close dependence between the above microcrack and strength was derived. The analysis results of this study are summarized as follows. First, the chart showing the variation and characteristics of strength among the three rock cleavages were made. In the above chart, the strength values of six directions belonging to each group were arranged in order of rift(R1 and R2), grain(G1 and G2) and hardway(H1 and H2). The strength distribution lines of the five groups concentrate in the direction of R1. And the widths among the above five lines indicating strength difference(Δσ_t) are the most narrowest in R1 direction. From the related chart, the variation characteristics among the two directions forming each rock cleavage were derived. G2(2)-test specimen shows higher value and lower value of the difference in strength compared to the case of G1(1)-test specimen. These kinds of phenomena are the same as the case between the test specimen H2(2) and H1(1). The strength characteristics of the above test specimens (2) suggest lower microcrack density value and higher degree of uniformity in the distribution of microcracks arrayed parallel to the loading direction compared to those of test specimens (1). The six strength values belonging to each group were arranged in increasing order in the above chart. The strength values of the test specimens belonging to both group D and E appear in order of R1 < R2 < G1 < H1 < G2 < H2. Therefore, the strength values of group D and E can be indicator values for evaluating the six directions of rock cleavages. Second, the correlation chart between slope angle(θ) and strength difference(Δσ_t) were made. The values of the above two parameters were obtained from the five strength distribution lines connecting between the two directions. From the chart related to rift plane(G1-H1, R'), grain plane(R1-H2, G') and hardway plane(R2-G2, H'), the slope values of linear functions increase in order of R'(0.391) < G'(0.470) < H'(0.485). Among three planes, the charts related to hardway plane show the highest distribution density among the five groups. From the related chart for rift(R1-R2, R), grain(G1-G2, G) and hardway(H1-H2, H), the slope values of linear functions increase in order of rift(0.407) < hardway(0.453) < grain(0.460). Among three rock cleavages, the charts related to rift show the highest frequency of groups belonging to the lower region. Taken together, the width of distribution of the slope angle among the three planes and three rock cleavages increase in order of H' < G < R' < R < G' < H. Third, the correlation analysis among the parameters related to microcrack length and the tensile strengths was performed. These parameters may include frequency(N), total length(Lt), mean length(Lm), median length(Lmed) and density(ρ). The correlation charts among individual parameters on the above microcrack(X) and corresponding five levels of tensile strengths for the five groups(Y) were made. From the five kinds of correlation charts, the values of correlation coefficients(R²) increase along with the five levels of strengths. The mean values of the five correlation coefficients from each chart increase in order of 0.22(N) < 0.34(Lt) < 0.38(ρ) < 0.57(Lmed) < 0.58(Lm). Fourth, the correlation chart among the corresponding maximum strength for group E(X) and the above five parameters(Y) were made. From the related chart, the values of correlation coefficient increase in order of 0.61(N) < 0.81(Lt) < 0.87(ρ) < 0.93(Lm) < 0.96(Lmed). The two parameters that have the highest correlations are median length with maximum strength. Through the above correlation analysis between microcrack and strength, the credibility for the results from this study can be enhanced.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.172-205
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• 2011

Go bears significant meanings in terms of cultural and entertaining functions in Asia Eastern such as China and Japan. Beyond the mere entertaining level, it produces philosophical and mythic discourse as well. As a part of effort to seek an identity of Korean traditional garden culture, this study traced back to find meanings of rock-go-board and taste for the arts which ancestors pursued in playing Go game, through analysis and interpretation of correlation among origin of place name, nearby scenery, carved letters and vicinal handed-down place name. At the same time, their position, shape and location types were interpreted through comprehensive research and analysis of stone-go-boards including rock-go-board. Particularly, it focused on the rock names related to Sundoism(仙道) Ideal world, fixed due to a connection between traces of Sundoism and places in a folk etymology. Series of this work is to highlight features of the immortal sceneries, one of traditional landscaping ideals, by understanding place identity and scenic features of where the rock-go-boards are carved. These works are expected to become foundation for promotion and preservation of the traditional landscaping remains. The contents of this study could be summarized as follows; First, round stone and square board for round sky and angled land, black and white color for harmony of yin and yang and 361paths for rotating sky are symbols projecting order of universe. Sayings of Gyuljungjirak(橘中之樂), Sangsansaho(商山四皓), Nangagosa(爛柯故事) formed based on the idea of eternity stand for union of sky and sun. It indicates Go game which matches life and nature spatiotemporally and elegant taste for arts pursuing beauty and leisure. Second, the stone-go-boards found through this research, are 18 in total. 3 of those(16.1%), Gangjin Weolnamsaji, Yangsan Sohanjeong and Banryongdae ones were classified into movable Seokguk and 15(83.9%) including Banghakdong were turned out to be non-movable rock-go-boards carved on natural rocks. Third, upon the result of materializing location types of rock-go-boards, 15 are mountain stream type(83.9%) and 3 are rock peak type(16.1%). Among those, the one at Sobaeksam Sinseonbong is located at the highest place(1,389m). Considering the fact that all of 15 rock-go-boards were found at mountainous areas lower than 500m, it is recognizable that where the Go-boards are the parts of the living space, not far from secular world. Fourth, there are 7 Sunjang(巡將) Go with 17 Hwajeoms(花點), which is a traditional Go board type, but their existences, numbers and shapes of Hwajeom appear variously. Based on the fact, it is recognizable that culture of making go-board had been handed down for an extended period of time. Among the studied rock-goboards, the biggest one was Muju Sasunam[$80(82)cm{\times}80(82)cm$] while the smallest one was Yangsan Sohandjeong Seokguk ($40cm{\times}40cm$). The dimension of length and breadth are both $49cm{\times}48cm$ on average, which is realistic size for actual Go play. Fifth, the biggest bed rock, an under-masonry with carved Go-board on it, was one in Muju Sasunam[$8.7m{\times}7.5m(65.25m^2)$], followed by ones in Hoengseong Chuiseok[$7.8m{\times}6.3m(49.14m^2$] and Goisan Sungukam[$6.7m{\times}5.7m(37.14m^2)$]. Meanwhile, the smallest rock-go-board was turned out to be one in Seoul Banghak-dong. There was no consistency in directions of the Go-boards, which gives a hint that geographical features and sceneries of locations were considered first and then these were carved toward an optimal direction corresponding to the conditions. Sixth, rock-go-boards were all located in valleys and peaks of mountains with breathtaking scenery. It seems closely related to ancestors' taste for arts. Particularly, rock-go-boards are apprehended as facilities related to taste for arts for having leisure in many mountains and big streams under the idea of union of sky and human as a primitive communal line. Go became a medium of hermits, which is a traditional image of Go-game, and symbol of amusement and entertainment with the idea that Go is an essence of scholar culture enabling to reach the Tao of turning back to nature. Seventh, the further ancient time going back to, the more dreamlike the Go-boards are. It is an evident for that Sundoism, which used to be unacceptable once, became more visible and realistic. Considering the high relation between rock-go-boards and Sundoism relevant names such as Sundoism peak in Danyang Sobaeksan, 4 hermits rock in Muju and Sundoism hermit rock in Jangsu, Sundoism hermit rocks and rock-go-boards are sceneries and observation spots to express a communication of worship and longing for Sundoism. Eighth, 3 elements-physical environment such as location type of the rock-go-boards, human activities concentrated on 8 sceneries and Dongcheongugok(洞天九曲) setup and relevancy to Confucian scholars, as well as 'Sangsansaho' motif and 'Nangagosa' symbolic meaning were used as interpretation tools in order to judge the place identity. Upon the result, spatial investigation is required with respect to Sunyoodongcheon(仙遊洞天) concept based on enjoyment to unify with the nature rather than Dongcheongugok concept of neo-Confucian, for Dongcheon and Dongmoon(洞門) motives carved around the rock-go-boards. Generally, places where mountain stream type rock-go-boards were formed were hermit spaces of Confucianism or Sundoism. They are considered to have compromised one other with the change of times. Particularly, in the rock-go-board at the mountain peak, sublimity-oriented advent of Sundoism is considered as a significant factor to control place identity. Ninth, including where the rock-go-boards were established, the vicinal areas are well-known as parts of Dongcheongugok and Palkyung(八景) mostly. In addition, many of Sundoism relevant expressions were discovered even in the neighboring carvings written by scholars and nobility, which means sophisticated taste based on longing for Sundoism world played a significant role in making go-board. The rock-go-board is an integration of cultural phenomena naturally managed by seclusion of scholars in the Joseon Dynasty as well as remains and essence of Korean traditional landscaping. Some rock-go-boards out of 17 discovered in South Korea, including ones in Sobaeksan Sinsunbong, Banghak-dong, Chungju Gongili, Muju Sasunam, Yangsan Eogokdong Banryongdae Seokguk, are damaged such as cracks in rocks or fainted lines by hardships of time and hand stains. Worse yet, in case of Eunyang Bangudae Jipcheongjeong board, it is very difficult to identify the shape due to being buried. Rock-go-boards are valuable sculptures in terms of cultural asset and artwork since they reflect ancestors' love for nature and longing for Sundoism world. Therefore, they should be maintained properly with right preservation method. Not only rock-boards itself but also peripheral places are excellent cultural heritages and crucial cultural assets. In addition, vicinal sceneries of where rock-goboards and pavilion spots are the representative remains of embracing prototype of Korean traditional landscaping and major parts of cultural properties.

• Journal of Information Management
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• v.6 no.5
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• pp.131-134
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• 1973

본고(本稿)시리이즈의 제1보(第一報)에서 우리는 물리(物理), 사회과학(社會科學) 및 공학분야(工學分野)의 12,442명(名)의 과학자(科學者)와 기술자(技術者)에 대한 정보교환활동(情報交換活動)의 78례(例)에 있어서 일반과정(一般過程)과 몇 가지 결과(結果)를 기술(記述)한 바 있다. 4년반(年半) 이상(以上)의 기간(其間)($1966{\sim}1971$)에서 수행(遂行)된 이 연구(硏究)는 현재(現在)의 과학지식(科學知識)의 집성체(集成體)로 과학자(科學者)들이 연구(硏究)를 시작(始作)한 때부터 기록상(記錄上)으로 연구결과(硏究結果)가 취합(聚合)될 때까지 각종(各種) 정형(定形), 비정형(非定形) 매체(媒體)를 통한 유통정보(流通情報)의 전파(傳播)와 동화(同化)에 대한 포괄적(包括的)인 도식(圖式)으로 표시(表示)할 수 있도록 설정(設定)하고 또 시행(施行)되었다. 2보(二報), 3보(三報), 4보(四報)에서는 데이터 뱅크에 수집(蒐集) 및 축적(蓄積)된 데이터의 일반적(一般的)인 기술(記述)을 적시(摘示)하였다. (1) 과학(科學)과 기술(技術)의 정보유통(情報流通)에 있어서 국가적(國家的) 회합(會合)의 역할(役割)(Garvey; 4보(報)) 국가적(國家的) 회합(會合)은 투고(投稿)와 이로 인한 잡지중(雜誌中) 게재간(揭載間)의 상대적(相對的)인 오랜 기간(期間)동안 이러한 연구(硏究)가 공개매체(公開媒體)로 인하여 일시적(一時的)이나마 게재여부(揭載如否)의 불명료성(不明瞭性)을 초래(招來)하기 전(前)에 과학연구(科學硏究)의 초기전파(初期傳播)를 위하여 먼저 행한 주요(主要) 사례(事例)와 마지막의 비정형매체(非定形媒體)의 양자(兩者)를 항상 조직화(組織化)하여 주는 전체적(全體的)인 유통과정(流通過程)에 있어서 명확(明確)하고도 중요(重要)한 기능(機能)을 갖는다는 것을 알 수 있었다. (2) 잡지(雜誌)에 게재(揭載)된 정보(情報)의 생산(生産)과 관련(關聯)되는 정보(情報)의 전파과정(傳播過程)(Garvey; 1보(報)). 이 연구(硏究)를 위해서 우리는 정보유통과정(情報流通過程)을 따라 많은 노력(努力)을 하였는데, 여기서 유통과정(流通過程)의 인상적(印象的)인 면목(面目)은 특별(特別)히 연구(硏究)로부터의 정보(情報)는 잡지(雜誌)에 게재(揭載)되기까지 진정으로는 공개적(公開的)이 못된다는 것과 이러한 사실(事實)은 선진연구(先進硏究)가 자주 시대(時代)에 뒤떨어지게 된다는 것을 발견할 수 있었다. 경험(經驗)이 많은 정보(情報)의 수요자(需要者)는 이러한 폐물화(廢物化)에 매우 민감(敏感)하며 자기(自己) 연구(硏究)에 당면한, 진행중(進行中)이거나 최근(最近) 완성(完成)된 연구(硏究)에 대하여 정보(情報)를 얻기 위한 모든 수단(手段)을 발견(發見)코자 하였다. 예를 들어, 이들은 잡지(雜誌)에 보문(報文)을 발표(發表)하기 전(前)에 발생(發生)하는 정보전파과정(情報傳播過程)을 통하여 유루(遺漏)될지도 모르는 정보(情報)를 얻기 위하여 한 잡지(雜誌)나 2차자료(二次資料) 또는 전형적(典型的)으로 이용(利用)되는 다른 잡지류중(雜誌類中)에서 당해정보(當該情報)가 발견(發見)되기를 기다리지 않는다는 것이다. (3) "정보생산 과학자(情報生産 科學者)"에 의한 정보전파(情報傳播)의 계속성(繼續性)(이 연구(硏究) 시리이즈의 결과(結果)는 본고(本稿)의 주내용(主內容)으로 되어 있다.) 1968/1969년(年)부터 1970/1971년(年)의 이년기간(二年期間)동안 보문(報文)을 낸 과학자(科學者)(1968/1969년(年) 잡지중(雜誌中)에 "질이 높은" 보문(報文)을 발표(發表)한)의 약 2/3는 1968/1969의 보문(報文)과 동일(同一)한 대상영역(對象領域)의 연구(硏究)를 계속(繼續) 수행(遂行)하였다. 그래서 우리는 본연구(本硏究)에 오른 대부분(大部分)의 저자(著者)가 정상적(正常的)인 과학(科學), 즉 연구수행중(硏究遂行中) 의문(疑問)에 대한 완전(完全)한 해답(解答)을 얻게 되는 가장 중요(重要)한 추구(追求)로서 Kuhn(제5보(第5報))에 의하여 기술(技術)된 방법(방법)으로 과학(연구)(科學(硏究))을 실행(實行)하였음을 알았다. 최근(最近)에 연구(硏究)를 마치고 그 결과(結果)를 보문(報文)으로서 발표(發表)한 이들 과학자(科學者)들은 다음 단계(段階)로 해야 할 사항(事項)에 대하여 선행(先行)된 동일견해(同一見解)를 가진 다른 연구자(硏究자)들의 연구(硏究)와 대상(對象)에 밀접(密接)하게 관련(關聯)되고 있다. 이 계속성(繼續性)의 효과(效果)에 대한 지표(指標)는 보문(報文)과 동일(同一)한 영역(領域)에서 연구(硏究)를 계속(繼續)한 저자(著者)들의 약 3/4은 선행(先行) 보문(報文)에 기술(技術)된 연구결과(硏究結果)에서 직접적(直接的)으로 새로운 연구(硏究)가 유도(誘導)되었음을 보고(報告)한 사항(事項)에 반영(反映)되어 있다. 그렇지만 우리들의 데이터는 다음 영역(領域)으로 기대(期待)하지 않은 전환(轉換)을 일으킬 수도 있음을 보여주고 있다. 동일(同一) 대상(對象)에서 연구(硏究)를 속행(續行)하였던 저자(著者)들의 1/5 이상(以上)은 뒤에 새로운 영역(領域)으로 연구(硏究)를 전환(轉換)하였고 또한 이 영역(領域)에서 연구(硏究)를 계속(繼續)하였다. 연구영역(硏究領域)의 이러한 변화(變化)는 연구자(硏究者)의 일반(一般) 정보유통(情報流通) 패턴에 크게 변화(變化)를 보이지는 않는다. 즉 새로운 지적(知的) 문제(問題)에 대한 변화(變化)에서 야기(惹起)되는 패턴에 있어서 저자(著者)들은 오래된 문제(問題)의 방법(方法)과 기술(技術)을 새로운 문제(問題)로 맞추려 한다. 과학사(科學史)의 최근(最近) 해석(解釋)(Hanson: 6보(報))에서 예기(豫期)되었던 바와 같이 정상적(正常的)인 과학(科學)의 계속성(繼續性)은 항상 절대적(絶對的)이 아니며 "과학지식(科學知識)"의 첫발자욱은 예전 연구영역(硏究領域)의 대상(對象)에 관계(關係)없이 나타나는 다른 영역(領域)으로 내딛게 될지도 모른다. 우리들의 연구(硏究)에서 저자(著者)의 1/3은 동일(同一) 영역(領域)의 대상(對象)에서 속계적(續繼的)인 연구(硏究)를 수행(遂行)치 않고 새로운 영역(領域)으로 옮아갔다. 우리는 이와 같은 데이터를 (a) 저자(著者)가 각개과학자(各個科學者)의 활동(活動)을 통하여 집중적(集中的)인 과학적(科學的) 노력(努力)을 시험(試驗)할 때 각자(各自)의 연구(硏究)에 대한 많은 양(量)의 계속성(繼續性)이 어떤 진보중(進步中)의 과학분야(科學分野)에서도 나타난다는 것과 (b) 이 계속성(繼續性)은 과학(科學)에 대한 집중적(集中的) 진보(進步)의 필요적(必要的) 특질(特質)이라는 것을 의미한다. 또한 우리는 이 계속성(繼續性)과 관련(關聯)되는 유통문제(流通問題)라는 새로운 대상영역(對象領域)으로 전환(轉換)할 때 연구(硏究)의 각단계(各段階)의 진보(進步)와 새로운 목적(目的)으로 전환시(轉換時) 양자(兩者)가 다 필요(必要)로 하는 각개(各個) 과학자(科學者)의 정보수요(情報需要)를 위한 시간(時間) 소비(消費)라는 것을 탐지(探知)할 수 있다. 이러한 관찰(觀察)은 정보(情報)의 선택제공(選擇提供)시스팀이 현재(現在) 필요(必要)로 하는 정보(情報)의 만족(滿足)을 위하여는 효과적(效果的)으로 매우 융통성(融通性)을 띠어야 한다는 것을 암시(暗示)하는 것이다. 본고(本稿)의 시리이즈에 기술(記述)된 전정보유통(全情報流通) 과정(過程)의 재검토(再檢討) 결과(結果)는 과학자(科學者)들이 항상 그들의 요구(要求)를 조화(調和)시키는 신축성(伸縮性)있는 유통체제(流通體制)를 발전(發展)시켜 왔다는 것을 시사(示唆)해 주고 있다. 이 시스팀은 정보전파(情報傳播) 사항(事項)을 중심(中心)으로 이루어 지며 또한 이 사항(事項)의 대부분(大部分)의 참여자(參與者)는 자기자신(自己自身)이 과학정보(科學情報) 전파자(傳播者)라는 기본적(基本的)인 정보전파체제(情報傳播體制)인 것이다. 그러나 이 과정(過程)의 유통행위(流通行爲)에서 살펴본 바와 같이 우리는 대부분(大部分)의 정보전파자(情報傳播者)가 역시 정보(情報)의 동화자(同化者)-다시 말해서 과학정보(科學情報)의 생산자(生産者)는 정보(情報)의 이용자(利用者)라는 것을 알 수 있다. 이 연구(硏究)에서 전형적(典型的)인 과학자((科學者)는 과학정보(科學情報)의 생산(生産)이나 전파(傳播)의 양자(兩者)에 연속적(連續的)으로 관계(關係)하고 있음을 보았다. 만일(萬一) 연구자(硏究者)가 한 편(編)의 연구(硏究)를 완료(完了)한다면 이 연구자(硏究者)는 다음에 무엇을 할 것이냐 하는 관념(觀念)을 갖게 되고 따라서 "완료(完了)된" 연구(硏究)에 관한 정보(情報)를 이용(利用)하여 동시(同時)에 새로운 일을 시작(始作)하게 된다. 예를 들어, 한 과학자(科學者)가 동일(同一) 영역(領域)의 다른 동료연구자(同僚硏究者)에게 완전(完全)하며 이의(異議)에 방어(防禦)할 수 있는 보고서(報告書)를 제공(提供)할 수 있는 단계(段階)에 도달(到達)하였다면 우리는 이 과학자(科學者)가 정보유통과정(情報流通過程)에서 많은 역할(役割)을 해낼 수 있다는 것을 알 것이다. 즉 이 과학자(科學者)는 다른 과학자(科學者)들에게 최신(最新)의 과학적(科學的) 결과(結果)를 제공(提供)할 때 하나의 과학정보(科學情報) 전파자(傳播者)가 되며, 이 연구(硏究)의 의의(意義)와 타당성(妥當性)에 관한 논평(論評)이나 비평(批評)을 동료(同僚)로부터 구(求)하는 관점(觀點)에서 보면 이 과학자(科學者)는 하나의 정보탐색자(情報探索者)가 된다. 또한 장래(將來)의 이용(利用)을 위하여 증정(贈呈)이나 동화(同化)한 이 정보(情報)로부터 피이드백을 받아 드렸을 때의 범주(範疇)에서 보면 (잡지(雜誌)에 투고(投稿)하기 위하여 원고(原稿)를 작성(作成)하는 경우에 있어서와 같이) 과학자(科學者)는 하나의 정보이용자(情報利用者)가 되고 이러한 모든 가능성(可能性)에서 정보생산자(情報生産者)는 다음 정보생산(情報生産)에 이미 들어가 있다고 볼 수 있다(저자(著者)들의 2/3는 보문(報文)이 게재(揭載)되기 전(前)에 이미 새로운 연구(硏究)를 시작(始作)하였다). 과학자(科學者)가 자기연구(自己硏究)를 마치고 예비보고서(豫備報告書)를 만든 후(後) 자기연구(自己硏究)에 관한 정보(情報)의 전파(傳播)를 계속하게 되는데 이와 관계(關係)되는 일반적(一般的)인 패턴을 보면 소수(少數)의 동료(同僚)그룹에 출석(出席)하는 경우 (예로 지역집담회)(地域集談會))와 대중(大衆) 앞에서 행(行)하는 경우(예로 국가적 회합(國家的 會合)) 등이 있다. 그러는 동안에 다양성(多樣性) 있는 성문보고서(成文報告書)가 이루어진다. 그러나 과학자(科學者)들이 자기연구(自己硏究)를 위한 주정보전파목표(主情報傳播目標)는 과학잡지중(科學雜誌中)에 게재(揭載)되는 보문(報文)이라는 것이 명확(明確)한 사실(事實)인 것이다. 이러한 목표(目標)에 도달(到達)할 때까지의 각(各) 정보전파단계(情報傳播段階)에서 과학자(科學者)들은 목표달성(目標達成)을 위하여 청중(聽衆), 자기동화(自己同化)된 정보(情報) 및 이미 이용(利用)된 정보(情報)로부터 피이드백을 탐색(探索)하게 된다. 우리가 본고(本稿)의 시리이즈중(中)에 표현(表現)하려 했던 바와 같이 이러한 활동(活動)은 조사수임자(調査受任者)의 의견(意見)이 원고(原稿)에 반영(反映)되고 또 그 원고(原稿)가 잡지게재(雜誌揭載)를 위해 수리(受理)될 때까지 계속적(繼續的)으로 정보(情報)를 탐색(探索)하는 과학자(科學者)나 기타(其他)사람들에게 효과적(效果的)이었다. 원고(原稿)가 수리(受理)되면 그 원고(原稿)의 저자(著者)들은 그 보문(報文)의 주내용(主內容)에 대하여 적극적(積極的)인 정보전파자(情報傳播者)로서의 역할(役割)을 종종 중지(中止)하는 일이 있는데 이때에는 저자(著者)들의 역할(役割)이 변화(變化)하는 것을 볼 수 있었다. 즉 이 저자(著者)들은 일시적(一時的)이긴 하나 새로운 일을 착수(着手)하기 위하여 정보(情報)의 동화자(同化者)를 찾게 된다. 또한 전(前)에 행한 일에 대한 의견(意見)이나 비평(批評)이 새로운 일에 영향(影響)을 끼치게 된다. 동시(同時)에 새로운 과학정보생산(科學情報生産) 과정(過程)에 들어가게 되고 현재(現在) 진행중(進行中)이거나 최근(最近) 완료(完了)한 연구(硏究)에 대한 정보(情報)를 항상 찾게 된다. 활발(活潑)한 연구(硏究)를 하는 과학자(科學者)들에게는, 동화자(同化者)로서의 역할(役割)과 전파자(傳播者)로서의 역할(役割)을 분리(分離)시킨다는 것은 실제적(實際的)은 못된다. 즉 후자(後者)를 완성(完成)하기 위해서는 전자(前者)를 이용(利用)하게 된다는 것이다. 과학자(科學者)들은 한 단계(段階)에서 한 전파자(傳播者)로서의 역할(役割)이 뚜렷하나 다른 단계(段階)에서는 정보교환(情報交換)이 기본적(基本的)으로 정보동화(情報同化)에 직결(直結)되고 있는 것이다. 정보전파자(情報傳播者)와 정보동화자간(情報同化者間)의 상호관계(相互關係)(또는 정보생산자(情報生産者)와 정보이용자간(情報利用者間))는 과학(科學)에 있어서 하나의 필수양상(必修樣相)이다. 과학(科學)의 유통구조(流通構造)가 전파자(傳播者)(이용자(利用者)로서의 역할(役割)보다는)의 필요성(必要性)에서 볼 때 복잡(複雜)하고 다이나믹한 시스팀으로 구성(構成)된다는 사실(事實)은 과학(科學)의 발전과정(發展過程)에서 필연적(必然的)으로 나타난다. 이와 같은 사실(事實)은 과학정보(科學情報)의 전파요원(傳播要員)이 국가적 회합(國家的 會合)에서 자기연구(自己硏究)에 대한 정보(情報)의 전파기회(傳播機會)를 거절(拒絶)하고 따라서 전파정보(電波情報)를 판단(判斷)하고 선별(選別)하는 것을 감소(減少)시키며 결과적(結果的)으로 잡지(雜誌)나 단행본(單行本)에서 비평(批評)을 하고 추고(推敲)하는 것이 배제(排除)될 때는 유형적(有形的) 과학(科學)은 급속(急速)히 비과학성(非科學性)을 띠게 된다는 것을 Lysenko의 생애(生涯)에 대한 Medvedev의 기술중(記述中)[7]에 지적(指摘)한 것과 관계(關係)되고 있다.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.54-88
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• 2019

The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains comprises sixty real scenery landscape paintings depicting Geumgangsan Mountain, the Haegeumgang River, and the eight scenic views of Gwandong regions, as well as fifty-one pieces of writing. It is a rare example in terms of its size and painting style. The paintings in this album, which are densely packed with natural features, follow the painting style of the Southern School yet employ crude and unconventional elements. In them, stones on the mountains are depicted both geometrically and three-dimensionally. Since 1973, parts of this album have been published in some exhibition catalogues. The entire album was opened to the public at the special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea" held at the National Museum of Korea in 2019. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains was attributed to Kim Eung-hwan (1742-1789) due to the signature on the final leaf of the album and the seal reading "Bokheon(painter's penname)" on the currently missing album leaf of Chilbodae Peaks. However, there is a strong possibility that this signature and seal may have been added later. This paper intends to reexamine the creator of this album based on a variety of related factors. In order to understand the production background of Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains, I investigated the eighteenth-century tradition of drawing scenic spots while travelling in which scenery of was depicted during private travels or official excursions. Jeong Seon(1676-1759), Sim Sa-jeong(1707-1769), Kim Yun-gyeom(1711-1775), Choe Buk(1712-after 1786), and Kang Se-hwang(1713-1791) all went on a journey to Geumgangsan Mountain, the most famous travel destination in the late Joseon period, and created paintings of the mountain, including Album of Pungak Mountain in the Sinmyo Year(1711) by Jeong Seon. These painters presented their versions of the traditional scenic spots of Inner Geumgangsan and newly depicted vistas they discovered for themselves. To commemorate their private visits, they produced paintings for their fellow travelers or sponsors in an album format that could include several scenes. While the production of paintings of private travels to Geumgangsan Mountain increased, King Jeongjo(r. 1776-1800) ordered Kim Eung-hwan and Kim Hong-do, court painters at the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), to paint scenic spots in the nine counties of the Yeongdong region and around Geumgangsan Mountain. King Jeongjo selected these two as the painters for the official excursion taking into account their relationship, their administrative experience as regional officials, and their distinct painting styles. Starting in the reign of King Yeongjo(r. 1724-1776), Kim Eung-hwan and Kim Hong-do served as court painters at the Dohwaseo, maintained a close relationship as a senior and a junior and as colleagues, and served as chalbang(chief in large of post stations) in the Yeongnam region. While Kim Hong-do was proficient at applying soft and delicate brushstrokes, Kim Eung-hwan was skilled at depicting the beauty of robust and luxuriant landscapes. Both painters produced about 100 scenes of original drawings over fifty days of the official excursion. Based on these original drawings, they created around seventy album leaves or handscrolls. Their paintings enriched the tradition of depicting scenic spots, particularly Outer Inner Geumgang and the eight scenic views of Gwandong around Geumgangsan Mountain during private journeys in the eighteenth century. Moreover, they newly discovered places of scenic beauty in the Outer Geungang and Yeongdong regions, establishing them as new painting themes. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains consists of four volumes. The volumes I, II include twenty-nine paintings of Inner Geumgangsan; the volume III, seventeen scenes of Outer Geumgangsan; and the volume IV, fourteen images of Maritime Geumgangsan and the eight scenic views of Gwandong. These paintings produced on silk show crowded compositions, geometrical depictions of the stones and the mountains, and distinct presentation of the rocky peaks of Geumgangsan Mountain using white and grayish-blue pigments. This album reflects the Joseon painting style of the mid- and late eighteenth century, integrating influences from Jeong Seon, Kang Se-hwang, Sim Sa-jeong, Jeong Chung-yeop(1725-after 1800), and Kim Hong-do. In particular, some paintings in the album show similarities to Kim Hong-do's Album of Famous Mountains in Korea in terms of its compositions and painterly motifs. However, "Yeongrangho Lake," "Haesanjeong Pavilion," and "Wolsongjeong Pavilion" in Kim Eung-hwan's album differ from in the version by Kim Hong-do. Thus, Kim Eung-hwan was influenced by Kim Hong-do, but produced his own distinctive album. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains includes scenery of "Jaundam Pool," "Baegundae Peak," "Viewing Birobong Peak at Anmunjeom groove," and "Baekjeongbong Peak," all of which are not depicted in other albums. In his version, Kim Eung-hwan portrayed the characteristics of the natural features in each scenic spot in a detailed and refreshing manner. Moreover, he illustrated stones on the mountains using geometric shapes and added a sense of three-dimensionality using lines and planes. Based on the painting traditions of the Southern School, he established his own characteristics. He also turned natural features into triangular or rectangular chunks. All sixty paintings in this album appear rough and unconventional, but maintain their internal consistency. Each of the fifty-one writings included in the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains is followed by a painting of a scenic spot. It explains the depicted landscape, thus helping viewers to understand and appreciate the painting. Intimately linked to each painting, the related text notes information on traveling from one scenic spot to the next, the origins of the place names, geographic features, and other related information. Such encyclopedic documentation began in the early nineteenth century and was common in painting albums of Geumgangsan Mountain in the mid- nineteenth century. The text following the painting of Baekhwaam Hermitage in the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains documents the reconstruction of the Baekhwaam Hermitage in 1845, which provides crucial evidence for dating the text. Therefore, the owner of the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains might have written the texts or asked someone else to transcribe them in the mid- or late nineteenth century. In this paper, I have inferred the producer of the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains to be Kim Eung-hwan based on the painting style and the tradition of drawing scenic spots during official trips. Moreover, its affinity with the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain created by Kim Ha-jong(1793-after 1878) after 1865 is another decisive factor in attributing the album to Kim Eung-hwan. In contrast to the Album of Famous Mountains in Korea by Kim Hong-do, the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains exerted only a minor influence on other painters. The Handscroll of Pungak Mountain by Kim Ha-jong is the sole example that employs the subject matter from the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains and follows its painting style. In the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain, Kim Ha-jong demonstrated a painting style completely different from that in the Album of Seas and Mountains that he produced fifty years prior in 1816 for Yi Gwang-mun, the magistrate of Chuncheon. He emphasized the idea of "scholar thoughts" by following the compositions, painterly elements, and depictions of figures in the painting manual style from Kim Eung-hwan's Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains. Kim Ha-jong, a member of the Gaeseong Kim clan and the eldest grandson of Kim Eung-hwan, is presumed to have appreciated the paintings depicted in the nature of Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains, which had been passed down within the family, and newly transformed them. Furthermore, the contents and narrative styles of Yi Yu-won's writings attached to the paintings in the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain are similar to those of the fifty-one writings in Kim Eunghwan's album. This suggests a possible influence of the inscriptions in Kim Eung-hwan's album or the original texts from which these inscriptions were quoted upon the writings in Kim Ha-jong's handscroll. However, a closer examination will be needed to determine the order of the transcription of the writings. The Album of Complete View of Seas and Mountains differs from Kim Hong-do's paintings of his official trips and other painting albums he influenced. This album is a siginificant artwork in that it broadens the understanding of the art world of Kim Eung-hwan and illustrates another layer of real scenery landscape paintings in the late eighteenth century.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.3
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• pp.1-40
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• 1965

To measure variations in some of the important agronomic characteristics of rice varieties under shifting of seedling dates, this study has been carried out at the Paddy Crop Division of Crop Experiment Station(then Agricultural Experiment Station) in Suwon for the period of three years 1958 to 1960. The varieties used in this study were Kwansan, Suwon ＃82, Mojo, Paltal and Chokwang, which have the different agronomic characteristics such as earliness and plant type. Seeds of each variety were sown at 14 different dates in 10-day interval starting on March 2. The seedlings were grown on seed bed for 30, 40, 50, 60, 70 and 80 days, respectively. The results of this study are as follows: A. Heading dates. 1. As the seeding date was delayed, the heading dates was almost proportionally delayed. The degree of delay was higher in early varieties and lower in late varieties and the longer the seedling stage, the more delayed the heading date. 2. Number of days to heading was proportionally lessened as seeding was delayed in all the varieties but the magnitude varied depending upon variety. In other words, the required period for heading in case of late planting was much shortened in late variety compared with early one. Within a variety, the number of days to heading was less shortened as the seedling stage was prolonged. Early variety reached earlier than late variety to the marginal date for the maximum shortening of days to heading and the longer the seeding stage, the limitted date came earlier. There was a certain limit in seeding date for shortening of days to heading as seeding was delayed, and days to heading were rather prolonged due to cold weather when seeded later than that date. 3. In linear regression equation, Y=a+bx obtained from the seeding dates and the number of days to heading, the coefficient b(shortening rate of days to heading) was closely correlated with the average number of days to heading. That is, the period from seeding to heading was more shortened in late variety than early one as seeding was delayed. 4. To the extent that the seedling stage is not so long and there is a linear relationship between delay of seeding and shortening of days to heading, it might be possible to predict heading date of a rice variety to be sown any date by using the linear regression obtained from variation of heading dates under the various seeding dates of the same variety. 5. It was found out that there was a close correlation between the numbers of days to heading in ordinary culture and the other ones. When a rice variety was planted during the period from the late part of March to the middle of June and the seedling ages were within 30 to 50 days, it could be possible to estimate heading date of the variety under late or early culture with the related data of ordinary culture. B. Maturing date. 6. Within (he marginal date for maturation of rice variety, maturing date was proportionally delayed as heading was delayed. Of course, the degree of delay depended upon varieties and seedling ages. The average air temperature (Y) during the ripening period of rice variety was getting lower as the heading date. (X) was delayed. Though there was a difference among varieties, in general, a linear regression equation(y=25.53-0.182X) could be obtained as far as heading date were within August 1 to September 13. 7. Depending upon earliness of a rice variety, the average air temperature during the ripening period were greatly different. Early variety underwent under 28$^{\circ}C$ in maximum while late variety matured under as low as 22$^{\circ}C$. 8. There was a highly significant correlation between the average air temperature (X) during the ripening period, and number of day (Y) for the maturation. And the relationship could be expressed as y=82.30-1.55X. When the average air temperature during the period was within the range of 18$^{\circ}C$ to 28$^{\circ}C$, the ripening period was shortened by 1.55 days with increase of 1$^{\circ}C$. Considering varieties, Kwansan was the highest in shortening the maturing period by 2.24 days and Suwon ＃82 was the lowest showing 0.78 days. It is certain that ripening of rice variety is accelerated at Suwon as the average air temperature increases within the range of 18$^{\circ}C$ to 28$^{\circ}C$. 9. Between number of days to heading (X) related to seeding dates and the accumulated average air temperature (Y) during the ripening period, a positive correlation was obtained. However, there was a little difference in the accumulated average air temperature during the ripening period even seeding dates were shifted to a certain extent. C. Culm- and ear-lengths. 10. In general all the varieties didn't show much variation in their culm-lengths in case of relatively early seeding but they trended to decrease the lengths as seeding was delayed. The magnitude of decreasing varied from young seedlings to old ones. Young seedlings which were seeded during May 21 to June 10 didn't decrease their culm-lengths, while seedlings old as 80 days decreased the length though under ordinary culture. 11. Variation in ear-length of rice varieties show the same trend as the culm-length subjected to the different seeding dates. When rice seedlings aged from 30 to 40 days, the ear-length remained constant but rice plants older than 40 days obviously decreased their ear-lengths. D. Number of panicles per hill. 12. The number of panicles per hill decreased up to a certain dates as seeding was delayed and then again increased the panicles due to the development of numerous tillers at the upper internodes. The seeding date to reach to the least number of panicles of rice variety depended upon the seedling ages. Thirty- to 40-day seedlings which were seeded during May 31 to June 10 developed the lowest number of panicles and 70- to 80-day seedlings sown for the period from April 11 to April 21 reached already to the minimum number of panicles. E. Number of rachillae. 13. To a certain seeding date, the number of rachillae didn't show any variation due to delay of seeding but it decreased remarkably when seeded later than the marginal date. 14. Variation in number of rachillae depended upon seedling ages. For example, 30- to 40-day old seedlings which, were originally seeded after May 31 started to decrease the rachillae. On the other hand, 80-day old seedlings which, were seeded on May 1 showed a tendency to decrease rachillae and the rice plant sown on May 31 could develop narrowly 3 or 4 panicles. F. Defective grain and 1.000-grain weights. 15. Under delay of the seeding dates, weight of the defective grains gradually increased till a certain date and then suddenly increased. These relationships could be expressed with two different linear regressions. 16. If it was assumed that the marginal date for ripening was the cross point of these two lines, the date seemed. closely related with seedling ages. The date was June 10- in 30- to 40-day old seedlings but that of 70- to 80-day old seedlings was May 1. Accordingly, the marginal date for ripening was getting earlier as the seedling stage was prolonged. 17. The 1.000-grain weight in ordinary culture was the heaviest and it decreased in both early and late cultures. G. Straw and rough rice weights. 18. Regardless of earliness of variety, rice plants under early culture which were seeded before March 22 or April 1 did not show much variation in straw weight due to seedling ages but in ordinary culture it gradually decreased and the degree was became greater in late culture. 19. Relationship between seeding dates (X) and grain weight related to varieties and seedling ages, could be expressed as a parabola analogous to a line (Y=77.28-7.44X$_1$-1.00lX$_2$). That is, grain yield didn't vary in early culture but it started to decrease when seeded later than a certain date, as seeding was delayed. The variation was much greater in cases of late planting and prolongation of seedling age. 20. Generally speaking, the relationship between grain yield (Y) and number of days to heading (X) was described with linear regression. However, the early varieties were the highest yielders within the range of 60 to 110, days to heading but the late variety greatly decreased its yield since it grows normally only under late culture. The grain yield, on the whole, didn't increase as number of days to heading exceeded more than 140 days.