• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.16
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• pp.71-103
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• 2013

This paper explores the key figure of minjung misul ("the people's art"), Kim Bongjun, and the art collective Dureong in the relationship between 'dialogue' and the dissidents' structural critique of Korea's modernities. During the 1980s' prodemocracy movement, the minjung artists and other dissident intellectuals used the notion of dialogue as metaphor for and allegory of democracy to articulate not only Koreans' experience of modern history, which they saw as "alienating" and "inhumane," but also the discrepancies between Koreans' predicaments and their political aspirations and their working toward the fulfillment of those ideals. Envisioning alternative forms of modernities, Kim Bongjun and other Dureong members paid attention to the fundamental elements of art, which consist of art as a modern institution, as well as the everyday lives of people as the very site of Koreans' modernities. They endeavored to create "art of life," which presumes its being part of people's lives, based on the cultural and spiritual traditions of the agrarian community. They also participated in the national culture movement, the minjung church, and the alternative-life movement to radically envision everyday lives through the indigenous reinterpretation of democratic values. Despite the significant role played by the church mission and its community involvement, its effects on minjung misul have received little attention in the relevant studies. Thus, I consider in particular the minjung church's and the alternative-life movement's confluence of multiple cultural and social constituencies in relation to Kim and the Dureong collective's vision of a new art and community.

• 기호학연구
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• no.57
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• pp.155-176
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• 2018

This article is a study of Karl Marx's manifesto and the reform in donghak for the modality and their symbolism. As a text, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels' declaration on the Communist Alliance and the reform program of the peasant Donghak were choose. This Declaration and the Reformation are the works of philosophical practice discourse of the 1800s in this article, which unfolds paradigmatically, deriving its common symbolic meaning in the semiotic sense, and evolving ideologically towards a democracy free of property. In the end, these two historical incident which are published in the contemporary breath, constitute an accusation against a nonhuman policy of surveillance and punishment. Twice a day, the space of the church is transformed into a factory, the act of dividing into two categories by capitalist and work and divorcing by accident is embodied as a social ethic. It is against the phenomenon that the structure of which no man exists is no longer institutionalized. The revolutionary movement aimed at breaking the framework of this hunt manifests itself in the two manifestos mentioned above, and Karl Marx completes the culmination of the utopia that must be achieved through the Declaration of the Communist Alliance by placing his being in the position of "eternal refugee". By choosing to die in his freedom developed during Jeon Bong-joon's trial, he also completes the people's spirit of revolution. In the case of simultaneous exploitation in East and West, the form of oppression is the withdrawal of capital from domination and power, and a new alternative to this is the philosophical context that allows the establishment of a new paradigm with "man is the greatest capital".

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.1-56
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• 2009

It is generally acknowledged that Philippines politics has achieved a basic soil for democracy at the macro-level by the two incidents of 'People Power' (1986 & 2001). However, in spite of such an achievement, Philippine politics at the micro-level, does not enjoy the same reputation. Institutionalized 'Bossism' or 'patron/clientelism' political culture has been attributed to make such a gap. This paper aims to bridge the gap by a longitudinal observation on local politics of a particular province in the Philippines. Surigao del Norte is the province picked up for the study. The reason why this particular province attracts special concerns is that there appears to come a very dynamic local politics, led by an indigenous Christian organization, the PBMA (Philippines Benevolent Missionary Association), which was founded in the mid 1960s. With the coming of the organization in the province, the political power of the traditional families has been narrowed. On the other hand, new families, not only the leader family of the PBMA but also the family allied with the PBMA, has expanded political influence. Following steps are adopted to understand the meaning of such a change. First, institutional frame of Philippine politics and elections will be reviewed. Second, demographic changes will be investigated on Surigao del Norte province to find out how popular the PBMA organization is among the people. Third, local election outcomes will be examined to describe the changing nature of political landscape of the province. This will reveal how the relationship between the old and new families has been developed in the province. Lastly, based on the facts discovered by a longitudinal observation, an attempt to evaluate theories on Philippines politics will be made Conclusions are as follows. To understand the dynamics of Philippine politics, 'expectations from the below,' or, 'passions of the people,' suggested by Ileto, needs more attention. Furthermore, 'mutual accommodation' between domination and resistance, coined by Abinales, also demands more appreciation. The case of local politics in the Surigao del Norte, with the coming of the PBMA, is sure to show a concrete example of changing politics in the 'changeless land.'