• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.49
• /
• pp.121-173
• /
• 2016

An election is a major event in a country that elects the people's representatives. Currently, Korea's electoral system has a structure that limits the exclusion of the minority's opinion. Also, it has strengthened the monopoly of major political parties. Despite the harsh conditions, Green Party Korea has proposed an alternative to prevent even the minority from being excluded by practicing direct democracy and expanding proportional representation through the institutionalization of the democratic process within the party. Election campaigns should thus reflect this orientation of Green Party Korea. The local elections and the national elections reflect Korea's political and social status and show the course over two minority parties beyond such limits. Moreover, they provide evidence of the activities of Green Party Korea. The paper analyzes how the election archives of the party hold the values of democracy, how minor parties jump to another because of the unfavorable election system, and how the archives of Green Party Korea reflect its values on the political history of Korea.

• Korea and Global Affairs
• /
• v.3 no.2
• /
• pp.155-182
• /
• 2019

This essay examines the relationship between counterterrorism within the Lake Chad Basin Commission hereinafter referred to as LCBC and its effects on leaders' tenure in office. The countries of the LCBC, an intergovernmental institution promoting regional integration in the sub-region, established the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) primarily to maintain peace and security. In April 2012 the mandate of this structure was reinvigorated and broadened to manage the ongoing menace perpetrated by the Islamist terrorist group, Boko Haram in the sub-region. The political consequences, however, has not been identical for leaders of the member states of the LCBC participating in this counterterrorism operation. This essay primarily relies on secondary data derived from available public data sets in explaining this phenomenon. The phenomenon of leaders in Nigeria, Cameroon, Niger and Chad between 2010 and 2018 is used to examine the relationship between counterterrorism in the Lake Chad Basin Commission and its effects on political survival. Results suggest that leaders of highly democratic countries are more likely to lose office and held accountable for either perceived inaction or failure in the counterterrorism operation than their counterparts in autocratic states.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.45
• /
• pp.187-219
• /
• 2009

Under the pressure of the selection of topics and the presentation rules of mass media, politics in media society increasingly resort to professionalized forms of theatrical staging as a means of self-portrayal. Although these staging methods are not contradictory to what is actually going on in politics, they strongly advantage the tendency to focus exclusively on the staging of an event. Through their competition for public attention, politicians have been developing sophistication regarding placement and staging of events as well as regarding factual information. In the process of this transformation, politics that are issue-related and based on binding decisions are being gradually transformed into symbolic politics. Moreover, through their appearance on TV, politicians first of all need to possess presentational skills which are not necessarily related to their political achievements. Still, presentational skills decide over the success in politics of those politicians. The reason is that a politician who possesses presentational skills is still being perceived as being successful even if his political achievements notedly lag behind. On the other hand, political achievements are being underrated if a politician lacks the talent to present himself in front of the media. “The staging of politics, “politainment”, on the stage of mass media is evolving into a key structure which is responsible for a new coinage of politics in all different kinds of dimensions: the selection of staff, the role of action programs and their impact for the legitimation of political acting, even in relation to therole of pivotal political institutions such as parties and parliaments in the political process. The TV debates during the Bundestag elections of the year 2002 and 2005 are being analyzed and judged as “staging of politics”(politainment). Self-dramatization in media society concerning media discourses about politics and political self-portrayal has become a basic principle of political communication. Self-dramatization is a vital challenge for adequate political communication and content-based orientation in our present media democracies.

• 건강소식
• /
• v.24 no.11 s.264
• /
• pp.2-5
• /
• 2000

국회의원 5선 역임, 김대중 내란음모사건 변호인……, 적지 않은 기간동안 정치의 길을 걸으면서 민주ㆍ평화에 대한 확고한 신념을 체득한 허경만 지사는 정치 발전 못지 않게 지역 발전도 중요하다고 강조한다. 그는, 도 예산의 상당부분을 사회복지 부문에 투입하는 등 도민 모두의 보건 복지에 주력하는 동시에 전남도의 대내외적 성장을 위한 사업의 연구와 추진에 전념하고 있다. 한번 세운 바른 뜻은 굽히지 않는다는 그의 소신에서 전남의 발전된 모습이 묻어나는 시간이었다.

• 한국디지털정책학회:학술대회논문집
• /
• 2004.05a
• /
• pp.13-20
• /
• 2004

이 논문은 우리나라 정치 문화의 변화를 규명하면서. 제16대 대선 이후 참여형으로 변화하고 있다는 가정에 따라 그 배경 및 내용을 고찰하면서 그 요인으로 '디지털 정향'의 확산을 들고있다. 또한 '참여적 정치문화'는 제16대 대선에 직접적 영향을 미치게 되었으며, 정당들은 이러한 변화 양태를 수용하기 위해 전자정당의 추진하게 되었다고 할 수 있다. 그런데 정당의 전자 정당추진 노력은 선거에서의 유권자의 지지 획득의 수단적 메커니즘으로서의 활용이라는 초기 단계를 넘어 실질적 운용의 단계에 이르고 있다는 점에 주목하고 있다. 나아가 논문에서는 이를 바탕으로 전자정당의 모델 구축을 위한 개념적 흐름을 구성함으로써 시론적 연구의 성격을 지닌다.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
• /
• v.146
• /
• pp.25-48
• /
• 2018

Starting from common sense that happiness is a state where needs are satisfied, this paper suggests the intelligence and the virtues for democratic citizens. The fact that human beings exist, relate to each other, and undertake activities which can become of moral worth when joined by autonomy, equality, and responsibility, respectively, is explained. It is also discussed that happy citizens should be able to exist autonomously in the face of political power, make an equal relationship with political power and fellow citizens, and undertake responsible activities. Lastly, it is suggested that happy citizens should be able to understand the plurality of value-contents, the similarity of value-forms, and the possibility of value-realization, and then be equipped with self-respect, mutual respect, and law-respect.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute Of Construction Engineering and Management
• /
• 2008.11a
• /
• pp.115-118
• /
• 2008

The promotion of overseas projects by construction enterprises has appeared as a way to overcome the current business difficulties of the Korean construction industry, which largely caused by the slow growth of the domestic market and the intensified competition among construction companies. The government has also shown considerable interests in the strategic approach of promoting construction projects by private companies in natural resource-rich countries, which helps the internationalization of Korean companies and the acouisition of natural resources. In this regard, this research examines the status of the construction market in the Democratic Republic of the Congo(DRC) whose potential economic growth is considered as significant, while exploring the appropriate Investment strategies of Korean construction enterprise. Since little appears to be known about the construction market and economic conditions of the DRC, after a documented review of the development trajectory of the country, a field investigation was preformed in June 2008 for obtaining information on the subjects. This research finds that the road construction is the area to fulfill the several important criteria of implementing construction projects in developing regions, including the safety/reliability for gaining investment profits, the possibility of implementing construction projects on the gradual basis, the possibility of using the facilities after the project completion, and the linkage between payment and the construction stages. In regard to the current economic situation of the DRC and the policies of the DRC government, a package deal approach, which contains the exchange of the infrastructure construction by the Korean companies and the provision of natural resources by the DRC government, is the most feasible method for Korean companies to promote their businesses in the DRC's construction market.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
• /
• v.11 no.spc
• /
• pp.133-161
• /
• 2005

The present paper examines trust, interpersonal relationship, and civil society in Scandinavia and East Asia. In the first section, the concepts of trust and democracy are defined. In the second section, the cultural transformations that paved the way for the development of democracy in the West and Scandinavia are reviewed. In the third section, the basis of trust and democracy in East Asia, focusing on Confucianism, is reviewed. In the fourth section, a review of an empirical study conducted with a national sample in Denmark, Sweden, Japan, and Korea is presented. The results indicate that both the Scandinavian and East Asian respondents support the basic ideas of liberal democracy and trust close ingroup members. East Asian respondents are less likely than Scandinavian respondents to trust their colleagues and outgroup members and much less likely to trust political and government institutions. Scandinavian respondents prefer tolerant leaders who lead by ideas, while Koreans prefer strong paternalistic and moral leaders. Japanese respondents are less supportive of paternalistic leaders. Overall, results indicate that in Scandinavia and East Asia, although the basic ideas about democracy and human rights are similar, the methods of implementing these ideas are different. When compared with Scandinavia, there is much lower transparency and accountability in East Asia. In the final section, the challenges that the modern democracies face are discussed.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.16 no.2
• /
• pp.67-99
• /
• 2010

본 연구는 저탄소녹색성장전략의 분석을 통해 이명박 정부 하에서의 국가-시장-사회관계를 분석하고 있다. 전체적으로 이명박 정부의 정치경제발전모델이 자유주의적임을 부정하기는 어렵지만 순수하게 신자유주의적이라고 보기는 어렵다. 부분적으로 중상주의적 요소가 강하게 남아 있다. 아울러 국가와 시장간의 관계는 원칙적으로는 서로 일정거리를 유지하는 객관적인 성격을 가지고 있으나 녹색산업분야에서는 친산업·친기업적 요소가 강하게 존재하고 있다. 국가-사회관계는 갈등적이고 배제적이다. 이러한 관점에서 볼 때 이명 박정부의 민주주의모델은 법적·제도적인 것이고 참여민주주의적 모델과는 거리를 두고 있다. 결국 사회배제적이고 친산업/친기업적 속성을 내포하는 한 시민사회세력의 반발에 직면하여 지속가능하지 못하게 되는 한계에 봉착하게 될 개연성이 높다.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.27 no.1
• /
• pp.53-94
• /
• 2017

Thai political regime is said to have returned to bureaucratic polity or semi-democracy. However this kind of perspective do not find the political interference of Privy Council which is a body of Monarch of Thailand. Therefore this paper tries to discover the unique traits of Thai way of constitutional monarchy which can be defined as the modern form of absolute monarchy. In short Thai way of constitutional monarchy based on network politics is contradictary to the normal constitutional monarchy whose norm is "the king reigns, but does not rule." This means Thai king is in politics not above politics in reality. Thai monarchy has interfered in diversive way in terms of mediating political conflicts and protecting the monarchy as a institution. In this process the king has been worshiped as demigod who practises the Buddhist doctrine and the centre of national integration. Even after the 6 Ocober 1976 massacre which the palace involved King Bhumibol Adulyadej's sacred position was not challenged. Rather $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law became more draconian for status quo. Since then $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ was cited as one of the major rationale for the military coup. The 2006 coup which was triggered by the clash between network Monarchy and bourgeois polity based on Thakin network marked a surge of the $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ cases. The 2014 coup had consecutively increased the number of $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ prisoners. It can be said that the modern form of absolute monarchy in Thailand including bureaucratic polity, semi-democracy and democracy is bounded by $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law which network monarchy players such as military, intellectuals, Democrat Party and even some civil society groups support.