• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.44
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• pp.217-241
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• 2015

The sinking of the Sewol ferry has not only induced an intense conflict in Korean society but also been developed into a sociopolitical issue. This paper divides this accident into five stages and examines the records produced at each stage. The Sewolho Citizen Archive Network and the Ansan Citizen Record Committee began the archiving of Sewol and created the 416 Archives. The records of Sewol are social and political records that hold envidencial and historical value. They can be used to rebuild and recover the wounded community as well as to investigate the truth behind the case. Accident archiving collects materials different to the ones which public archiving does, allowing people to view the incident from a different standpoint. It is also characterized as an archiving of the current issue, social movement and regional community. Accident archiving is a method which ensures credibility and impartiality in memory. In light of Sewol archives, accident archiving can contribute to form mature democracy.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.3-22
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• 2011

The study of online social movements is basically concerned about the impact of the Internet on the existing social movements. More specifically, researchers have paid attention to changes in participants, leadership style and movement strategies caused by the Internet. Due to the Internet, networks of the individuals who are geographically scattered or a network of networks have emerged as new movement agents. Researchers have also analyzed a repertoire of collective action adopted by the online social movements. The increase in online social movements calls for a new interpretation of the existing social movement theories such as resource mobilization, collective identity and political opportunity structure. There are still a lot of debate about the impact of the internet on social movement and the resulting changes. Not only the early debate of cyber-optimism and cyber-scepticism, many studies done by the mid-range perspective also suggested different arguments on the impact of the Internet. This discrepancy comes from a relatively short history of online social movement study, which leads to a limited number of case studies and a shortage of date accumulations. In the future, researchers need to place more attention on the unique characteristics of different technologies and comparative studies of online social movements. The study should also extend its focus to a wide range of political systems in order to explain the impact of online social movements on political intermediary organizations and the democracy itself.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.1-48
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• 2014

Recently, governance of science and technology emerged as one of most important social problems and as a result it is crucial to understand it in science and technology studies. This article discusses three most important realms in science and technology goverance - research and development, regulation, and social movement - in the concrete Korean contexts. First of all, the Korean state has driven research and development and promoted its commercialization unlike other developed countries. Consequently, this nationalistic view on science disseminated to Korean public and it generated uniformity in research style and organization. Second, science and technology regulations embraced developed countries' policies, leading to its glocalization. As a result, technocratic old governance and new governance including precautionary principle and participatory democracy coexist. Third, the civil society has challenged expertise and state-driven science and technology governance and fueled social movements related to environment, safety, and health issues. The politics of knowledge created by citizens' voluntary participation and collaborative experts made it clear that science and technology should be no longer tool for economic development. In conclusion, we discuss characteristics of science and technology governance in Korea, giving various implication on current research and policy.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.42
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• pp.343-369
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• 2016

This is an attempt to analyze original films of ChunHyang Jun that Shin Sang-Ok filmed in North and South Korea, focusing on the character of MongYong. These films were made during political transition periods of North and South Korea. Sung ChunHyang was made during the second republic of South Korea, which was established after the collapse of Rhee SyngMan government; and Love, Love, My Love was made in North Korea during the period of power transfer from Kim Il-Sung to Kim Jong-Un. Considering these political changes, the character of MongYong seems to represent the figure of authority North and South Korean society of the time had in mind. First, MongYong in Sung ChunHyang has a strong image of a lover who repays ChunHyang's devotion and sacrifice with romantic affection. As an authoritative figure, he has the aspect of a democratic leader or mediator. On the other hand, MongYong's image in Love, Love, My Love is a heroic authority figure of the revolutionary class. He is a subversive reformer who shows love for the people and treats them favorably, gaining public desire. This research is expected to inspire more studies on the meanings of hit movies based on classic literature under synchronic terms.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.181-215
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• 2017

The study found that the origins of modern Korean welfare regime are closely related to the political and economic order of the U.S. military rule between 1945 and 1948. The creation of developmental state in 1960s and 1970s can not be imagined from the standpoint of the U.S. military rule. The U.S. military government dismantled the labor movement and the farmers' movement, and dealt a devastating blow to leftist political forces. Through this process, the U.S. military government turned the political landscape of the Republic of Korea, which was dominated by left-wing political forces in August 1945, completely transformed into the political landscape dominated by right-wing political forces. Moreover, it would not have been possible without the physical force of the US military government to transplant American capitalism instead of the social (democratic) state that the majority of the Korean people wanted. Through farmland reform, the traditional landowning classes were broken down, the revolutionary farmers turned into conservative peasants, and the distribution of factories owned by the Japanese led to the birth of a new capitalist class that was subordinated to the state. From the viewpoint of the welfare regime, the most significant meaning of the US military government is that it laid the foundations for the developmental state in the 1960s and 1970s in Korea.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.95
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• pp.59-93
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• 2011

Die vorliegende Abhandlung beschäftigt sich mit der Frage, ob Jacque Derrida das Problem des Global-Terrorismus im politisch-theologischen Sinne mit seiner Philosophie der Gastfreundschaft lösen kann. Fur Derrida ist der '11. September' das 'Ereignis', und das Symptom einer autoimmunitären Erkrakung der westlichen Welt. Derrida findet im '11. September Ereignis' die Struktur der Aneignung des Eignen und der Enteignung im Heideggerschen Sinne. Das 'major event' wird nicht in einer vergangenen Aggression bestanden haben, die präsent und wirksam ist und noch schlimmer in der Futur sein wird. Derrida versucht einen philosophischen, politisch-theologischen Ansatz zur Bedingungen der Möglichkeit der absoluten, vollkommenen Auflösung des Globalen Terrorismus zu programmieren. Dafür fordert er das Postulat Verwirklichung des 'Messianischen ohne Messianismus'. Die Gegenüberstellung zwei politischer Theologien zwischen der Europäischen Demokratie und der Islamischen Vereinigten Staaten kann erlöst werden, wenn die 'neue religiöse Spiritualität', die gegenüber der dogmatischen Religionswahrheit frei ist, mit der 'Wiederkehr der Religion' im echten Sinne vorkommt. In der 'Neuen Religion' Derridas ist der Begriff der 'Gastfreundschaft' wichtiger als der der 'Toleranz', den er als 'abrahamitisch' definiert. Die von Derrida postulierte neue Religion ist eine offene Religion, in der das Unvergebbare unbedingt zu vergeben ist. Ihre politische Transformation ist der Begriff der 'Neuen Europäischen Gemeinschaft' und des 'Anderen Kaps'. Derrida postuliert diese neue Idee des Kosmopolitismus als die notwendige Bedingung der vollkommenen Auflösung des autoimmunitären Global-Terrorismus.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.173-202
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• 2021

During the Korean War, China dispatched 'the Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Comfort' group to North Korea 3 times. The purpose of the comfort group was to comfort the Chinese People's Supporting Soldiers and Joseon People's Army fighting the US imperial forces and at the same time, inform them of China's situation to booster their morale. Another purpose was to promote the socialism construction projects in the new China. Namely, China wanted to propagate various heroic achievements of the Chinese soldiers and accuse the US imperialist soldiers and thereby, inspire Chinese people's international sense and patriotism for the new China to mobilize the people for the war and promote the construction of the new China effectively. The comfort group consisted of diverse classes (laborers, farmers, intellectuals, women, students, soldiers, etc.) in various areas such as politics, military, ethnic, society, culture, education, etc. Their activities were conducted in various forms such as consolation, legwork, meeting and performances. Their activities were full of anger and compassion, sacrifice and emotion, battle and romance, impression and comfort. Such emotion was delivered intact to the Chinese people through the comfort group's propaganda activities back home in China. The Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Comfort' group revealed their identity of socialists New China in terms of their organization and their specific performances. Their identity claimed for democracy and equality, internationalism empathizing world peace and solidarity of the proletariats, and patriotism supporting the communists regime. The comfort group played a role in propagating such identity of new China effectively by crossing the border. It was a political and cultural performance that stipulated the political meaning of the Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Chosun Comfort' group

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.3-72
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• 1996

본고(本稿)는 앞으로 전개될 세계화시대에 대비한 거시경제(巨視經濟)의 운영(運營) 및 정책(政策)의 개화방향(改華方向)에 관하여 논의하였다. 우선 본고(本稿)는 세계화의 진전에 따라 시장원리(市場原理)에 의한 간접관리적(間接管理的)인 경제운영(經濟運營)이 불가피하며 이를 위해서는 민간부문(民間部門)이 주도하는 경쟁적(競爭的) 시장경제추서(市場經濟秋序)를 정착시켜야 한다는 점을 강조하였다. 나아가, 한국의 거시경제운영상(巨視經濟運營上)의 문제점(직접규제(直接規制))에 의한 거시경제운영, 정책시계(政策視界)의 단기성, 그리고 거시경제정책에 대한 정치적 왜곡(歪曲)가능성)을 개선하고 경제세계화(經濟世界化)와 자유화(自由化)의 진전, 자본자유화(資本自由化)의 급진전, 그리고 급속한 정치적 민주화(民主化)등의 새로운 여건변화에 효과적으로 대응하기 위해서는 거시경제정책을 간접규제방식에 의해 운용하고, 정책시계(政策視界)를 중 장기화해야 하며, 세계경제정책협조체제(世界經濟政策協調體制)에 대한 참여를 준비해야 한다고 지적하고 있다. 다음으로 개별(個別) 거시경제정책운용(巨視經濟政策運用)과 관련해서는, 간접적(間接的)인 거시경제 운영체계가 쉽게 도입되는 방향으로, 통화정책(通貨政策)은 직접규제적 통화관리에서 벗어나 통화간접관리방식으로 전환하여야 하며 이의 기초가 되는 공개시장조작기능(公開市場操作機能)이 제고되어야 하고, 재정정책(財政政策)은 거시경제안정의 효과적 수단으로서 보다 더 그 역할이 강화되어야 한다. 또한 외환시장(外換市場)의 자유화와 더불어 환율(換率)에 보다 큰 신축성이 부여되어야한다. 나아가, 본고(本稿)는 소위 소규모개방경제하(小規模開放經濟下)에서의 통화 재정정책의 유효성 문제와 대내외 균형의 동시달성을 위한 통화(通貨) 재정정책(財政政策)의 조합문제를 논의하였다. 경직적(硬直的) 환율제도하(換率制度下)에서는 통화정책은 유효성이 없지만 재정정책은 유효성을 가지는 반면, 변동환율하(變動換率下)에서는 역으로 통화정책은 강력한 효과를 미치지만 재정정책의 유효성은 사라진다. 그리고 정책조합(政策組合)과 관련해서는, 대내균형을 위해서는 통화정책(通貨政策)을, 대외균형을 위해서는 재정정책(財政政策)을 할당하는 것이 합리적이라는 결론에 이르게 된다. 다음으로 자본자유화(資本自由化)과정에서의 거시정책조합과 관련해서는 기존의 연구와 선진국들의 경험에 비추어 볼 때, 현재와 같은 성격의 자본유입압력(資本流入壓力)에 대해서는 신축적(伸縮的)으로 환율변동(換率變動)을 허용하면서 통화량(通貨量) 목표를 유지하는 정책이 바람직한 정책조합(政策組合)이라는 결론에 이르게 되었다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.10
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• pp.676-690
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• 2022

The present study aims to explore how fallacies, arguments that seem valid but are not, appear in 2022 South Korean presidential debates. It qualitatively analyzes the candidates' remarks in the first and last presidential debates (240 minutes) using 20 formal and informal fallacy concepts as a theoretical framework. Results show that the three candidates used 23 informal fallacies from 15 categories, including the straw man, red herring, begging the question, complex question, hasty generalization, appeal to the masses, and you too. The candidates relied on fallacies to defend their image and electoral agenda from adversary attacks and to contaminate their opponent's image and agenda. The arguers, who struggled with tough questions, frequently made fallacies as pseudo-arguments to avoid the situation without lying and violating election laws. This study indicates that the fallacy system can be a framework for analyzing crucial political content. Moreover, it warns against the abuse of fallacies in TV debates.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.