• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.51
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• pp.136-155
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• 2010

Media diversity, coupled with the logic of competition in the global media market, has become a fashionable yet unfitting lingo of media policy in Korea. Media diversity has been fenced in the neoliberal economic logic of market competition and so tamed to consumers' free choice in the market. It is within this context that this article attempts to problematize narrowly-defined, market-oriented, and measurement-obssessed funtionalistic approaches to media diversity. In doing so, the article provides a critical overview of various definitions of media diversity. It also reveals how certain definitions, justifications, and measurements are legitimized and normalized in the name of science and objectivity. The core argument is that reflecting a larger neoliberal, deregulatory turn in media policy, media diversity has shifted from the pluralistic principle of democracy to the matter of free market choice or the myth thereof. It then focuses on the ongoing debate between state interventionists and free market liberals over the relationship between media ownership concentration and content diversity. Finally, it puts forth some recommendations as to how media diversity ought to be reconsidered as reformers' cultural politics, rather than marketeers' science, and discusses implications diversity has for deepening Korean democracy.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.136-167
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• 2001

본 논문은 1996년 노동법 개정을 둘러싼 노동계의 총파업에 대해 보수적 성향을 갖는 조선일보와 진보적 성향을 갖고 있던 한겨레가 어떠한 방식으로 이러한 쟁점을 재현하고 해석하는 지를 분석했다. 당시의 노동계 총파업은 내부적으로는 민주화에 따른 시민사회의 성숙과 외부적으로는 글로벌라이제이션에 따른 국가 간 경쟁의 가속화라는 두 가지 정치경제학적 요인이 교차하는 공간에서 일어났으며, 동시에 광범위한 국민적 지지를 확보한 파업으로 그 상징적 의미를 갖고 있다. 이와 같이 주요 사회적 쟁점에 대한 두 신문간의 차이를 분석하기 위해 질적 분석 방법인 서사분석(Narrative Analysis)과 양적 분석 방법인 조응분석(Correspondence Analysis)을 사용했다. 서사분석은 사건의 발생과 진행 그리고 결말 과정에서 대립되는 행위자의 상징적 담론을 분석함으로써 사회적 쟁점에 대한 신문사간의 뉴스보도의 차이점 또는 유사성을 구분할 수 있으며, 조응분석은 주요 쟁점에 대해 행위자들이 어떠한 방식으로 서로 연계되는 지를 파악함으로써 역동적으로 총파업에 대한 행위자들의 관계의 변화를 공간적으로 탐색할 수 있는 장점을 갖고 있다. 서사분석 결과, 두 신문은 각각 서로 다른 서사구조를 기반으로 주요 행위자의 담론적 기호를 정반대로 구성하고 있었다. 사건 발생 단계에서는, 두 신문이 각각 국가 경쟁력 강화와 노동전 보호를 중심적인 서사구조로 설정해 차이를 보였으며, 대통령 및 여당과 민주노총이 대립적인 행위자로 설정되었다. 사건의 발전 단계에서는, 총파업의 불법성과 적법성 문제에 대한 갈등을 기본 서사구조로 제시한 채, 노동계를 포함한 시민사회와 정부기관이 대립적인 행위자로 등장했다. 사건의 갈등 해소 단계에서는 문제 해결을 위한 방법으로 두 신문이 대통령과 야당 지도자간의 정치적 해결과 노동법 통과에 대한 위헌론 제기를 중심으로 한 노동단체들의 지속적인 연대를 중심 서사구조로 각각 제시했다. 이 시기에서 주요 행위자들의 대립관계는 종료되었다. 조응분석 결과, 사건 발생과 위기 고조 단계, 그리고 갈등 해소 단계등 모든 시기에서 두 신문의 주요 행위자 구성에 있어서 차이가 나타났다. 다시 말해, 조선일보는 기본적으로 총파업을 둘러싼 문제의 구성과 발전, 해소 과정에서 정당이나 대통령, 야당 지도자 등과 같은 정치관련 행위자를 강조하고 있었다. 반면에, 한겨레는 대체로 로든 사건진행 단계에서 노동 관련 단체들과 시민단체의 역동적인 연대와 활동에 초점을 맞추고 있는 것으로 나타났다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.30
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• pp.89-119
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• 2005

The purpose of this essay is to converge the theory of communicative action Into the new paradigm of 'public relations democracy.' The notions of communicative action rationality, the public sphere, and deliberative democracy led new public relations paradigm approaches including meaning sharing, media access enlargement, and theoretical ramifications for the powerless. As Habermas prospected the power of comprehensive rationality to solve post-capitalist problems, the paradigm of public relations democracy visions the new era of public relations equipped with rhetorical and critical approaches. The new paradigm tries to overcome functional fallacy and embraces the concept of public interest. The paradigm of public relations democracy aims at integrating all three levels of public relations activities such as individual, organizational, and social levels, and pursues to enlarge the public sphere through increasing communicative actions and resolving social conflicts. Habermas's critical theory exhibits an opportunity for public relations theory building.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.19
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• pp.37-63
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• 2002

The previous study has assumed that dialogue and debate could not have been activated by the hierachical Confucian norm and political authoritarianism in Korean society. Political democracy has developed in Korean society since 1987. But many observers have pointed out that the culture of debate still remained undeveloped in Korean society. This study assumes that the key factor of determining the quantity and frequency of debate is the polilitical factor such as authoritarianism, but the determining one of qualitative dimension such as debate competence derived from the epistemological tradition. In order to ascertian this hypothesis, this study explored the epistemological basis of Confucian thoughts in comparison with the classical Greek thoughts. In classical Greek society, philosophers considered that the purpose of debate is to find and to ascertain the truth. Bur Confucian scholors didn't look upon questioning the truth. Instead they considered practicing or doing of the truth worthful. Therefore, in a society which were much influenced by the Confucian thought, the culture of debate could not have been developed.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.44
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• pp.144-179
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• 2008

This paper explores the formation of global responsibility discourses in the elite US media used in promoting NATO's military interventions in the post-Cold War era. The case study of global responsibility discourses surrounding the Bosnian War (1992-1995) and the Kosovo Conflict (1998-1999) offers an account of the roles of the elite US media in foreign policy. The construction and articulation of global responsibility discourses in the elite US media were closely related to the US government's policy and were formed within the framework of US national interest and domestic responsibility. The cases of military intervention in the post-Cold War period imply that there were more fundamental structure and patterns by which the elite US media approached the 'humanitarian crises': 'benevolent domination' and the subsequent construction of a 'melodramatic national identity' in the war narratives. Presuming that the elite US media's discourse is a primary site for the public for experiencing and understanding distant suffering, this paper concludes that global responsibility discourses within the media may have dangerous ramifications for global democracy because the discourse of responsibility can potentially absorb the creative, progressive energies created by the public's awareness of responsibility on a global scale in order to reinforce the relations of domination.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.9-39
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• 2017

Online communities have become playgrounds for enjoyment and political public spheres as well as have been vitalized by participation of diverse users, which shows that users of online communities experience participatory democracy and new subjects who project the politic of everyday life eventually. The purpose of the study is to examine that how phenomenon from above have been revealed in the academic discourses and seek the ways for development of the theory and methodology of community media research. To do this, I analyze that features and tendencies of academic discourses which have historically been accumulated through applying method of meta-analysis into topics, methods, and issues in the precedence studies. Data is centered on Journals of the Korean Society for Journalism and communication Studies, Korean Association for Broadcasting and Telecommunication studies, Korean Association for Communication and Information studies, and the Cybercommunication Academic Society. The reason why I choose these journals is that they have a long history of the publication compared to other journals, thus, I can collect various related articles. Total of 53 Samples are selected after input keywords '공동체' and 'Community'. This study makes a contribution by offering the preliminary data in order to seek the ways for revitalization of local communities and for the future theories and methodologies of community media through researching on precedence studies having piled from 2001 when the first article about community media was published to November 2016.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.58
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• pp.7-30
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• 2012

The advent of Social Journalism coincided with the rise of social media to create and deliver news information; as a type of civic journalism, social journalism may be characterized as a new form of information gathering and news reporting which is fed by citizens creating news information through their use social networking services (SNSs). The current study analyzed a Facebook page called, to determine how this page was utilized during the onset of the citizen movement for the Egyptian democratic revolution to produce news, to facilitate interaction among the public and to deliver the news under the form of networked journalism. Each post uploaded onto the Facebook page from January 27 till February 2, 2011 was coded in its category, content and the contextual frame of the news. The results of the study showed that during the first week, straight news rather than those with opinions was produced most frequently. The research findings of the current study suggest that in a society of political turmoil, such as in Egypt and other Arabic countries, when the institutionalized media are controlled severely by the government or other forces, SNSs can perform journalistic media roles which create and distribute news information representing facts and reality, and simultaneously facilitate the public's interactions on social and political issues.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.36
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• pp.7-41
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• 2006

This study criticizes the wave of liberalization, privatization, thoughtless and uncontrolled over-competition in the electronic communication networks area. This criticism is based on the 'transport economics' on one side, the 'network neutrality debate' on the other side. Through these standpoints, this study insists that it needs to deal with a social agenda related to the problems such as unplanned and unbalanced development of electronic communication networks, double/tripple-investment in the communication industry, conflicts among network companies and the decline of public values. Also does this study stress on the new ideas in the electronic communication network policy and planning to manage these problems. Electronic communication networks are converging and their borders are blurred. As a result of these flows, the field of information technology, media and contents is faced with radical changes. These changes could be so critical and complicated that nobody can diagnose their multi-level implications. However, the one thing sure is that we should start from the communication networks to think and control a communication system. Therefore, we should discuss and plan the now-and-future of communication infrastructure and its management. we need not only a market mentality but also a socio-cultural mentality. In this respect, this study does insist that it requires the vision of digital democracy and democratic communication ecology to put the steps toward social communication system.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.71
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• pp.52-74
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• 2015

The May 18 Democratic Movement has been considered to be specific case of the big deviation in social memory among the events that occurred after the Korea War. Compared with other events associated with the democratization movement, the May 18 Democratic Movement is special in that can be achieved various changed meaning. In this study, primary focus will be on the background and logics to show what changed the meaning of the May 18 Democratic Movement from the perspectives of the memorial project. And to investigate influences of change of meaning on perspectives and forms of memorial projects. Recognition and forms of memorial projects on the May 18 Democratic Movement had been largely changed around 2000s. Memorial projects were the aspects that are the logics of the social movements absorbed into the logics of the institutionalization before 2000s. During this period, it was done primarily the discourse of a holy ground for democracy and sanctuarization, had characterized the nature of the struggle of memory. After 2000s, the May 18 Democratic Movement has been interpreted historical resources to create a cultural city and a human rights city. Sometimes the May 18 Democratic Movement was appropriated by local development discourse, and sometimes was adopted as the material of differentiation strategy in the city. Form of memorial projects has also been changed type of struggle of memory to type of heritage industry.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.17
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• pp.112-144
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• 2001

This study attempts to analyze how and why Chosun Ilbo and Hankyoreh Shinmun produce particular social discourses about the media reform in different ways. In doing so, this paper attempts to disclose the ideological nature of media reform discourses in social contexts. For the purpose, a content analysis method was applied to the analysis of straight news, while an interpretive discourse analysis was appled to analyze both editorials and columns in newspapers. As a theoretical framework, an articulation theory was applied to explain the relationships among social forces, ideological elements, discourse practices and subjects to produce the media reform discourses. In doing so, I attempted to understand the overall conjuncture of the media reform aspects in social contexts. The period for the analysis was limited from January 10th to August 10th this year. Newspaper articles related to the media reform were obtained from the database of newspaper articles, "KINDS," produced by Korean Press Foundation, in searching the key word, "media reform". Total articles to be analyzed were 765, 429 from Hankyoreh Sinmun and 236 from Chosun Ilbo. The research results, first of all, empirically show that both Chosun Ilbo and Hankure Synmun used straight news for their firms' interests and value judgement, in selecting and excluding events related to media reform or in exaggerating and reducing the meanings of the events, although there are differences in a greater or less degree between two newspaper companies. Accordingly, this paper argues that the monopoly of newspaper subscriber by three major newspapers in Korean society could result in the forming of one-sided social consensus about various social issues through the distorting and unequal reporting by them. Second, this paper's discourse analysis related to the media reform indicates that the discourse of ideology confrontation between the right and the left produced by Chosen Ilbo functioned as a mechanism to realize law enforcement of the right in articulating the request of media reform and the anti-communist ideology. It resulted in the discursive effect of suppressing the request of media reform by civic groups and scholars and made many people to consider the media reform as a ideological matter in Korean society.