This study attempted to clarify (1) the meaning of 'people's livelihood (Minsaeng, 民生)' conveyed by the newspapers in Korean society and the specific matter it refers to, and (2) consider the discourse formed by the newspapers and what does and does not change in that discourse over the passage of time. Editorials were classified and analyzed based on the framework of Fairclough's critical discourse analysis(CDA). It was clear, from the political perspective, that the discourse was respectively formed and changed for each administration. The discourse on 'people's livelihood' was critical and at the same time generally negative, because it dealt with the important social incidents or controversies of the time. The discourse on 'people's livelihood' related to the massive social streams of Korea's democratization and globalization process. Whereas the discourse on 'people's livelihood' in the 1990s, seen from an economic perspective, tried to resolve labor strikes, inflation rate, housing problem, and financial crisis. The discourse in the 2000s changed to issues ranging from economic growth and distribution to bi-polarization problem, job creation, abolishment of non-regular employments, etc. The meaning of 'people's livelihood' produced in the editorials of the major daily newspapers is different from the word's dictionary definition as 'the people's lives'.
지형.생태.자원 등 자연 환경과 정치.경제.사회.문화 등 인문 환경을 총망라해서 지도화하는 작업의 중요성은 역사적으로도 증명되었다. 이와 같은 연구와 조사는 국가의 통치와 민생 안정에 상당한 역할을 한다. 새 정부에서 국토 환경에 대한 연구와 조사, 기록의 중요성을 인식해 적극 실행해주길 바란다.
The purpose of this study is to understand Zhuxi's Taoxuezhengzhi(道學政治) by reorganizing both his political opinion in each different political situation and his consistent political consciousness appeared in his whole political career. He concluded that the politics was the real problematic in Southern Sung, which made its structure distorted. This distorted structure of politics had widely rooted in whole sphere of society. In order to cure this political problematic, Zhuxi had focused on huangdi(皇帝) and chaoting(朝廷). That is why people is the basis of State and the result of politics, while huangdi and chaoting is the basis of politics and the beginnig of politics. According to Zhuxi, forming their political power group of their own will by using huangdi's power, the political elites close to only to huangdi made the function of chaoting unstable, with the result that the political decay produced. In chaoting, it resulted in the weakness of huangdi's power, the collapse of official discipline(紀綱), and the absence of public opinion(公論) and public aggreement(公議). Beyond chaoting, it resulted in the absence of political trust and the degeneration of public morals(風俗). In the Southern Sung were not altered the political orientation and culture based on the political decay, but only political orientation and characteristics of political elite only altered. This proves Zhuxi's approach that all problems in Southern Sung could resolve by the political approach. Zhuxi had suggested political issues in office. The alternatives for those political issues had basis of the theme, the one that saving people(恤民) is the purpose of politics. However his political ideas and the execution of them had been occsionally collapsed by the complex political structue, the mechanisms of political power, and the sameness and privatization of political geography in Southern Sung. Qingyuandanghuo(慶元黨禍) was the final stage of his political frustration, with the result that it led to the failure of Zhuxi's taoxuezhengzhi and interrupted the tradition of taoxue(道學) for the time being.
The purpose of this research is to understand the view on people(百姓) and Lee Won-ik(李元翼)'s view on politics, comparing with Seonjo(宣祖)'s view on them. They as political actors sufficiently cognized the condition of life of people had been very desperate. Seonjo had approached from politics to the life of people, while Lee from the life of people to politics. The former has the precariousness of transformation and instrumentalisation of the life of people. The latter has the possibility of the life of people to lead the politics. Lee's stance was on the latter aspect. He had tried to conceive the people as they are, in other words as reality, not as they should be, in other words as idea. He refrained the elucidation of people from confining it within dichotomy structure of ruling-ruled. He had tried to conceive the organic relationship between people and other existences within community. He did not give knowledge-centered question of what is the life of people, but gave situation-phenomenon-centered question of how people has been living. This approach eulciates Lee's focus on the problems of Gongyi(工役), military service(軍役), Labour service(?役), the reduction and exemption of the tax, and the appointment of provincial officer(守令). As for Lee Won-ik, the best form of life of people is to make people have mind to deserve to live, to economize their power(寬民力), to make them savor their life(樂民生), and to make their life easy(安民).
The 16 century Yulgok had lived have been evaluated as the golden age of Seonglihak(性理學) in Korea. However, on the contrary, excessively desperate was the real social and political situation which Yulgok had descirbed. Therefore, eventhhough the Seonglihak centered-reseach is meaningful, this research had the limitation in analyzing the politics in those times. In studying Yulgok's thought, the established researches had focused on philosophic theory centered-orientation. However escaping from that orientation, in this essay I try to restructure Yulgok's enlivened political experience that he had worldly seen, felt, heard and performed in 16th's real politics. While the established researches had absorbed in Kyeonghak(經學, the interpretaion of Confucian Cannon), I try to restore Kyeongse(經世, governing and managing the state) based on Yulgok's worldly political experience. The major concept on which I have focused is Pye(弊, the abnoxious custiom in political and official sphere). Yulgok's offical life had begun with the problematic of how to overcome Pye inherited by Kwongan(權奸, a politically villainous retainer). In the process, he had focused on the worldly performable issue, Minsaeng(民生, the livelihood of the people), not on the abstract and theoritical concept, Min(民, the people). He recognized the cause of desperate situation had resulted from Pyebeob(弊法, the obnoxious law, its system and its execution), and tried to reform Pyebeob in the various way. The next concern of Yulgok came to Pyejeong(弊政, the obnoxious politics, its system and its execution), which interrupted not to reform Pyebeob. According to Yulgok, Pyejeong resulted from the wrong fulfilment of official-scholar elite in government, and the distorted public opinion in governemt. This fact demonstrates two elements mentioned above had common root of the absence of communication of public opinion. Yulgok recognized the importance of Ui(議, the discussion) than of Ron(論, the dabate) and then reviving Ui, Yulgok had tried to arrange the foundation for the communication of public opinion in political sphere.
Gubong Song Ik-pil could not behave according to his aspiration directly due to restrictions in his social standing. Despite that, he actually did so indirectly through either close friends or younger students by exhibiting 'cheobyeonwigwon (處變爲權) with the goal of jichijuui (至治主義). He insisted on people-oriented politics grounded on cheonmyeongsasang (天命思想) and also suggested the humbleness of the royal family and jinhyulchaek (賑恤策) based on love of the people. In addition, he promoted public welfare and stability to enhance patriotism and also insisted on the policy of strengthening national defense with seoeolgongsacheon (庶?公私賤)'s provision of military service through the enforcement of yangcheonjongbujongmobeop (良賤從父從母法). Also, according to the letter sent to Lee San-bo, he suggested public service ethics, for instance, personally, getting rid of ulterior motives, exhibiting diligence, integrity, and wisdom, and doing one's utmost to handle tasks fairly without causing any problems and externally, being actively involved in managing and utilizing persons of ability and also relieving the poor and managing masters as well. In brief, we can assume that Song Ik-pil's thought of statecraft (經世思想) is the concrete methodology to reach the politics of kingcraft called 'jichi (至治)' by stabilizing public welfare grounded on benevolent and benign administration. He is often compared to Jegalryang on account of his innate qualities and cleverness. He was equipped with the excellent capacity of gyeongse even referred to as the moju (謀主) of four persons, Yi Yi, Seong Hon, Jeong Cheol, and Lee Gwi, and harshly criticized as a slick evil (奸鬼), too. His gyeongsesasang, however, ended up being incomplete due to restrictions in his social status. He was a person who loved the people more than anyone else, kept suggesting innovative reform plans to stabilize the people's lives, and was capable of practicing them all. His ideal of jichi was left unfulfilled, however.
Since the military servants' rebellion, the society of the Goryeo(高麗) dynasty had been getting into crisis worse and worse until late in it. Late in the 14th century, the society was constantly meeting tension and chaos including decline of the Yuan(元) dynasty, sudden rise of the Ming(明) dynasty and etc. This study is aimed to investigate the idea of justice and theory of governing advocated by Yaeun Jeon Nok Saeng, who lived in such tensed and chaotic era. Under the circumstance that threatened the national power of the Goryeo dynasty in the era where the Yuan dynasty changed to Ming dynasty, his idea of justice was expressed as "Theory for Friendship with Ming and Against Yuan", which was proposed in the aspect of considering the safety and maintenance of the nation and getting back the original national power of a country Goryeo. He thought that you should not make your people bothered by or troubled in their works but you should make them concentrate on their jobs for living to govern them eased. He emphasized that you should focus on stability of people's welfare in gentle ways not bothering your people even a little bit because he thought that the situation of that era looked like a thread bobbin so that it could get naturally and easily twisted if you went in hurry.
Hosan Park Moon Ho lived in the truly eventful era with keen competition of western powers, invasion of Japan, Confucianism based Movement against Western Power, Volunteer Army Movement against Japanese and etc. Therefore, his learning and idea could not help being related with such difficult environment of his country. Especially, his idea is directly related with such historical environment of his era in terms of his claims as follow: He thought that Christianity destroyed Korean traditional idea and good customs; he claimed that the nation should subdue the betrayers who were at the Japanese side and be revenged on the murder of the empress Myeongseong; and he advocated his own theory for civilization that the nation should be strictly against the imperial invasion of western powers but work for GaeMulSeongMu(開物成務: Achieving Everything through Enlightenment on Meaning of Everything) and HwaMin SeongSok(化民成俗: Forming Beautiful Customs by Educating the People). The problem that should be urgently solved that time was, first of all, to repel the invasion of Japan and western powers and to realize Confucianism based political ideal by scheming political and social stability and saving the people's livelihood from distress through such repelling.
Yeoheon is a representative recluse and philosopher in the 17th Joseon dynasty. His contemporary intellectuals considered him as a sincere nobleman, Confucius in the Joseon, and moreover a saint, a cornerstone of culture, and a model for Confucianists. As a politician, he was regarded as practicing the stabilization of the people's livelihood and education, which are the key ideas of Confucian politics, when he serviced as a local governmental office twice. In addition, his ruler thought that he was right, wise, and modest, and therefore had the dignity of the old sage. His subordinates considered that he possessed the way of the old great ministers and the eye to see the current state of affairs. His theory of the Yijing is based on Cheng-Zhou learning, but developed their interpretation of the text. In addition, he discussed that Confucianism is a practical learning. His theory of the ritual was considered to follow Zhu Xi's works, but refer the old rituals and overcome the aspect of minor customs. His contemporary scholars thought that his theory of Neo-Confucianism revealed the essence of Li-Four and Qi-Seven theory regardless of scholarly parties, which were formed after Toegye and Yulgok. However, he proposed the Li-longitude and Qi-latitude theory in order to restore the real values, but it is similar to Yulgok's theory, which was criticized by the schools of Toegye and South Faction near Seoul. However, his theories revealed the fact that Joseon Confucianism cannot be simply differentiated as two major theories of "Centering on Li" and "Centering on Qi. In addition, his ideas of the universe and concern for the old showed that Joseon Confucianism is not just a theory, but is related to our lives and therefore practical in its nature.
Jangyongyoung was a royal guard in the King Jeongjo Period. The guard was established after the inauguration of King Jeongjo to protect the king and strengthen the royal authority. In terms of security study, it has high value in that it gives insights to the development of security system and its achievements and new role of supporting king's cultural events. Jangyongyoung was a formal guard established to achieve king's political reform. After the King Injo restoration, there sprouted many security guards, including Howicheong, Eoyounggun, and Gemgun. Those were all makeshift systems. But Jangyongyoung grew as a standing and futurist system as it went through some different names, Sukwiso, Jangyongwi, and finally Jangyongyoung. It served to protect the legitimacy of King's succession, to strengthen royal authority, and to bring stability to people's lives. Jangyongyoung had an efficient organization and operation. It also had the characteristics of modern security, integration, professionalism and size. In Jangyongyoung, military training and security were not separate. They protected king from dangers and guarded king's bed, and they trained themselves to deal with unforeseen occurrences. By doing so, they could support king's many activities, including visit to royal tombs, touring of Hwaseong Fortress, and watching military training. Jangyongyoung not only served as a military guard but also it had a cultural function. They made it possible that king and people met in the king's procession. Jangyongyoung supported Jeongjo's political reform, and as a royal guard it enhanced the authority of royal family and exemplified a new security guard by supporting king's cultural events where king, servants and people could become one.
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