• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.22
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• pp.85-113
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• 2005

This paper's target is two music books, 100 man's Gagok songs and 88 woman's Gagok songs compiled by Kim Kee-soo. The next is an interpretation on 9 subject classifications. 1. There is a similiarity in subject between $\lceil$kyobonyukdaesijo's collection$\rfloor$ and man's Gagok song. 2. There is a wide difference in man and woman's love subject between man's Gagok songs and woman's Gagok songs. 3. The subject changes as Gagok progreasses. 4. There are many nameless writers in the prograss of Nong$\cdot$Na k$\cdot$Peon. 5. Taepeongga, whose theme is to enjoy pleasure, forms the last beauty. Sijo poem's subjects, which belongs to the noble class, shows the mode of scholar's elegant life at that time.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.226-245
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• 2019

Beopjusa Gwaebultaeng (Large Buddhist Painting), designated as Treasure No. 1259, was painted in 1766 and featured Yeorae (Buddha) at the center in the style of a single figure. It is the longest existing buddhist painting and was created by Duhun, a painter who was representative of 18th century Korean artists. His other remaining work is Seokgayeorae Gwaebultaeng (1767) in Tongdosa Temple. Considering their same iconography, they are assumed to have used the same underdrawing. Duhun had a superb ability to maintain a consistent underdrawing, while most painters changed theirs within a year. The Beopjusa painting carries significance because it was not only painted earlier than the one in Tongdosa, but also indicates possible relevance to the royal family through its records. Beopjusa Temple is also the site of Seonhuigung Wondang, a shrine housing the spirit tablet of Lady Yi Youngbin, also known as Lady Seonhui. Having been built only a year before Beopjusa Gwaebultaeng was painted, it served as a basis for the presumption that it has a connection to the royal family. In particular, a group of unmarried women is noticeable in the record of Beopjusa painting. The names of some people, including Ms. Lee, born in the year of Gyengjin, are recorded on the Bonginsa Temple Building, the construction of which Lady Yi Youngbin and Princess Hwawan donated money to. In this regard, they are probably court ladies related to Lady Yi Youngbin. The connection of Beopjusa Gwaebultaeng with the royal family is also verified by a prayer at the bottom of the painting, reading "JusangJusamJeonhaSumanse (主上主三殿下壽萬歲, May the king live forever)." While looking into the historical characteristics of this art, this study took an approach based on scientific analysis. Damages to Beopjusa Gwaebultaeng include: bending, folding, wrinkles, stains due to moisture, pigment spalling, point-shaped pigment spalling, and pigment penetration to the lining paper at the back. According to the results of an analysis of the painting pigments, white lead was used as a white pigment, while an ink stick and indigo were used for black. For red, cinnabar and minium were used independently or were combined. For purple, organic pigments seem to have been used. For yellow, white lead and gamboge were mixed, or gamboge was painted over white lead, and gold foil was adopted for storage. As a green pigment, atacamite or a mixture of atacamite and malachite was used. Azurite and smalt were used separately or together as blue pigments.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.68-89
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• 2021

In August 1837, a list of wedding gifts was given by Queen Sunwon (1789-1857) to her son-in-law, Namnyeong-wie, Yun Eui-Seon (1823-1887) at the wedding of Princess Deok-on (1822-1844). This Honsubalgi is now kept at the National Hangeul Museum. This text was used in the present study to examine the everyday clothes of the royal son-in-law in the early 19th century. First, the everyday clothes were organized into about 36 types. They were classified as tops, bottoms, hats, accessories, belts, pouches, fans and shoes. Second, the most important clothes were the ordinary formal attire, composed of the namgwangsa dopo and namgwangcho changui. As for the bottoms, the pants, the Chinese hemp leggings, two pairs of socks, the green silk belt, and a pair of light blue ankle ties were identified. Third, as for the head and accessories, there were heukrip, with the gemstone string and silk string, the jeong-ja-gwan and dong-pa-gwan, as well as tang-geon and bok-geon. And there were the sangtu-gwan, three types of donggos, and the mang-geon equipped with okgwanja. On the other hand, the jeong-ja-gwan and dong-pa-gwan are peculiar hats whose status has changed over time since the mid-18th century. The fact that the jeong-ja-gwan and dong-pa-gwan were given to Namnyeong-wie showed that the status of these hats improved in the early reign of King Heonjong. The belt was given with the sejodae that is suitable for the dangsang, the coral plates, and the silk bag containing a flint pouch. Fourth, there were the red-colored sejodae, a ssamji silk pouch for flint and the fan decorated with okseonchu, and shoes, such as unhye and danghye.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.50
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• pp.313-346
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• 2018

It is noted that generally speaking, the expressing of actualization or non-actualization of events is not the main role of possibility for the utilization of expressions. In spite of this fact, it is possible to see many examples in which possibility expressions represent actual events, and impossibility expressions represent a type of non-actualization in relation to events. This effect can be described as a semantic extension, by which the participant-internal possibility is extended to actualization due to participant-internal factors, and the participant-external possibility is extended to the actualization due to participant-external factors. When the related possibility expressions are used in this extended sense, they express the dynamic evaluative meaning of 'desirability' of the realized event, while it is determined that when the impossibility expressions are used in this extended sense, they are seen to express the evaluative meaning of 'regretfulness' about the non-actualization of the event. In Modern Japanese, it is noted that there are a few expressions of ability and possibility. They can be largely divided into four types of expressions, according to their origins or uses of expression, which are 'ability verbs', affixes '-れる/られる(-reru/rareru)', '-できる(-dekiru)', and '-得る(-eru)'. They can all express participant-internal possibility and participant-external non-deontic possibility. While 'ability verbs', affixes '-れる/られる' and '-できる' can express participant-external deontic possibility, '-得る' cannot. However, '-得る' is the only possible element to designate the event of a epistemic possibility. Also, the four types of expressions have the usage of conveying 'actualization/non-actualization,' as is the case of the Korean language. However in Japanese, in fact adjectives cannot be associated with 'ability verbs' or 'ability affixes.' Thus the expressions of 'regrets' should in that case depend on the use contexts, unlike the expression 'adj+-지 못하다' as noted in Korean. The ability and possibility in Modern Chinese are mainly expressed by means of the four auxiliary verbs '能($n{\acute{e}}ng$)', '会(huì)', '可以(kěyǐ)' and '可能 ($k{\check{e}}n{\acute{e}}ng$)'. '能' and '会' along with '可以' can all convey participant-internal possibility. In this way '能' and '可以' can express participant-external possibility. Only '会' and '可能' can express epistemic possibility. As for 'actualization,' among the four auxiliary verbs, only '能' can represent actualization. Also, among the negatives of the four auxiliary verbs, only '沒能' can represent non-actualization.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.147-189
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• 2016

This study attempted to investigate the issue how stepmother's narrative was transferred to . For this agenda, the approach of this paper is described below to determine how Bbaengdeok's stepmother narrative was transferred episodically to . First, this paper started from the relation between stepmother narrative and affiliated with each root folk tale in Buddhist text. Among known as root folk tale until now, this paper investigated whether was the root folk tale affiliated to Buddhist literature. At that point, stepmother narrative showed relation with opening eyes motive. It has been reported that the text of opening eyes in Buddhist literature is originated from the south. This paper confirmed that 's stepmother narrative was related to Buddhist literature originated from south. Next, this paper investigated the background of opening eyes motive of stepmother types. After entering Gyeongpan , it formed Bbaengdeok narrative of Wanpan related to Literary geography of Jeollado enjoying space of Wanpan . There are two evidences for this. The first one is which was passed down around Jeollado. In the course of sudden Buddhist folklore's flow into the country, it is that combined stepmother narrative of sudden Buddhist literature with the characteristics of northern Buddhist literature which was reconstructed into son's filial behavior of northern Buddhist literature to make father's blinded eyes open. The other is the Buddhist trend of the late 18th Chosun when northern Buddhist literature and sudden Buddhist literature were combined. It appeared that stepmother narrative was formed in the Buddhist background of the late 18th Chosun when northern Buddhist literature and sudden Buddhist literature were combined.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.136-161
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• 2014

This paper investigates the Buddhist sculpture and wall-painting enshrined in the halls of Bunhwangsa (Bunhwang temple) at Gyeongju in the mid-Silla period, which are thoroughly unknown to us except through textual records of Samgukyusa compiled by Priest Ilyeon in the late thirteenth century. According to Samgukyusa, a clay portrait-sculpture of Monk Wonhyo, made by his son Seolchong, was placed in Bunhwangsa. This image faced to the side, because he turned his body toward Seolchong when Seolchong bowed to this image. This story suggests that the portrait image of Wonhyo was most likely made after the Vimalakirti images, which were popular in China from the Six Dynasties period on, especially the Vimalakirti images of the early Tang period, turning his head and body toward Bodhisattva Manjusi seated opposite. The Vimalakirti image of Seokkuram might show the portrait image of Wonhyo. A wall-painting of a Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara who has a thousand arms with a thousand eyes, called by the name 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands', was enshrined on the north wall of the left hall of Bunhwangsa. During King Gyeondeok's reign, Himyeong and her five-year-old blind child prayed before this image, and the blind child gained eyesight. While praying, they sang a song pleading for one of the thousand eyes which the Bodhisattva had in his hands. This song implies that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara had a thousand eyes, one painted on each hand. The fact that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara of Bunhwangsa was called 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands' indicates that this painting was based on the scripture Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara Sutra translated by Bhagavaddharma in about 655, in the Tang period, which also has 'Great Mercy' in its title. In the year 755, a gilt bronze image of Medicine Buddha was made in Bunhwangsa, using nearly 61 tons of bronze to cast. The huge amount of bronze suggests it includes not only the Buddha statue but many other images such as two attendant Bodhisattvas of Suryaprabha and Candraprabha, Eight Great Bodhisattvas, or Twelve Guardians. Seven images of Medicine Buddha might have been made in accordance with the scriptural text of Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra translated by Monk Yijing. Textual evidence and recent excavation have revealed that seven images of Medicine Buddha and their whole attendant images based on Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra were made in the Nara period from 751 to 762 when Queen Gomyo contructed Sinyakusiji temple for the recovery of her husband Shomu. It is fair to assume that one or seven Medicine Buddhas and a whole group of his (their) attendant images were made for the main hall of Bunhwangsa temple in 755.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.116-133
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• 2014

The memorial stones of Sumanotap were known to have been sequentially produced in 1719, 1773, 1874, 1653, 1874. However, after examining the chronological era (年號) and sexagesimal cycle (干支), it was found that the second and fourth memorial stones were both recorded in 1713. The reason why the records of the same period were divided into two is assumed that since the subject to repair was divided into main structure and flagpole of the temple, and it was recorded per each monk in charge and donator. On the fifth tablet of the memorial stone of Sumanotap contains all the names of monks who were in charge of repairing Sumanotap as well as the names of common donators. These people are not verified in detail though, through comparing the Buddhist names on the third memorial stone with Buddhist paintings and painting records, 12 monks were identified to be in the same names. Generally, they were active in Gangwon province, Gyeongsang province, Seoul and Gyeonggi province in the late 19th century and even after the Sumanotap repair, they took up other duties of various temples. The most notable name among the donators recorded in the memorial stones of Sumanotap was Kim Jwageun. He was the donator for the chest of gold and silver that was enshrined in the pagoda in 1874. His name was recorded with Mrs. Yang from Cheongsin and, at that time, was known just as a donator. However, actually, the donator was not Kim Jwageun but his mistress Mrs. Yang who used to be a gisaeng, called Na-hap and was from Naju. Kim Jwageun deceased in 1869 already. It is exceptional that Mrs. Yang who were the mistress of the prime minister Kim Jwageun personally participated in the Buddhist event in which king, queen, mothers of king and queen, noblewoman participated. Besides, the event of Sumanotap repair was carried out by royal family in order to celebrate the hundredth day of the prince, Sunjong and his grandfather, Heungseon Daewongun did not participate for political reason. In this situation, the domination of Mrs. Yang is considered remarkable. Meanwhile, the temples that frequently appeared among the 10 temples recorded in the memorial stone of Sumanotap are Gakhwa-sa temple in Bonghwa-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do and Bodeok-sa temple in Yeongwolgun, Gangwon-do. Gakhwa-sa temple was a temple where the historical achievements were kept so was under the government's control. Bodeok-sa temple was the buddhist temple praying for the soul of the Danjong buried in the tomb and was managed by the government. Therefore, the face these two temples participated in the Sumanotap repair proves that Sumanotap was repaired by the supports form these two temples and the stature of Sumanotap at that time was as high as the temples where the historical achievements are store or the royal buddhist temples for praying for ancestors' souls.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.78-117
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• 2017

Buddhism, which was subject to repression all over the early Joseon Dynasty, received a certain recognition from the state, because Buddhist monks had participated in the war of the Japanese invasion in 1592. On the other hand, however, one of the results was the destruction of many temples. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks themselves acted as players of Pungmul(people's percussive band music) for the rebuilding of Buddhist temples. These so-called "the Buddhist monks' Pungmul" is the imitation of former clowns' Pungmul and farmers' one that sometimes request money or rice at houses of villages. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the activities of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul were held all over the country. Today, there are "Bitnae Nongak(farmers'percussive band music)" in Kyeongsangbuk-do, "Beokku-noli(the drum play) in the areas of Yeosu and Gangjin in Jeollanam-do, the song of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul for the people's house spirits in the Gyeonggi-do, Gangwon-do and Chungcheong-do, and Namsadang-pae(the nomadic entertaining groups composed of only men), as clear pictures of it. In these things related to Nongak or Nongak relevant affairs, the shapes of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty remain clear. On the other hand, today the Namsadang-pae, which was formed as a result of Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty, was left only in the Chungcheong-do and Gyeonggi-do, because the temple construction in the Gyeonggi-do was made especially many in the late Joseon Dynasty. During the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks' Pungmul, which had long-lived and had taken place throughout the nation, had a great impact on Pungmul. There are the Buddhist elements, such as Gokkal(the Buddhist monk's peaked hat), paper flowers, the color band, the small drum, and Bara(small cymbals) are often found in the Pungmul of Korea. In the late period of the Joseon Dynasty, it is obviously important place in the Pungmul history of Korea. Research and studies on this subject should be made more in the future.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.185-221
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• 2018

This study examined the process of the formation of Deoneum, Sugungga(水宮歌), and its tendency of the change through the trace of the Pansori masters who worked in 19th century. The time that the main group of the Sugungga masters appeared in the Pansory history is estimated in early 19th century. The Sugungga masters in this time could be divided in two groups, one is the early days masters who worked in early 19th century and the other is the latter days masters who worked in middle and late 19th century. Kwon Sam-deuk(權三得), Song Heung-lok(宋興祿), Yeom Gyeo-dal(廉季達), and Shin Man-yeob(申萬葉) are the Sugungga masters who worked in early 19th century. By the records they left, I could confirm that they used the description about the dramatic characteristics in the work and Soritjo(Pansori master's tonality), like the appearance of 'Bangge(crab)' and 'Tiger', and particularly they developed which has the scene of the Rabbit's deceiving the Dragon King and Rabbit's return, 'Goandaejangja(寬大長者)', 'Gaja-Eoseoga', 'Sojinowha(笑指蘆花)', 'Apnae-Beodeuleun' and the scene of 'Rabbit's curse(the part that Rabbit curses Byeljubu)' etc. I could understand that the interest of the early days Pansori masters about Sugungga is on the characters and the latter part of the work. The separation of Dongpyeonje(東便制) and Seopyeonje(西便制) of Pansori was done in the middle and late 19th century. As the Dongpyeonje master, Song Wu-ryong(宋雨龍), Park Man-sun(朴萬順), Song Man-gab(宋萬甲), Shin Hak-jun(申鶴俊) and Yu Seong-jun(劉成俊) worked. As the Seopyeonje masters, Park Yu-jeon(朴裕全), Kim geo-bok(金巨福), Kim Su-yeong(金壽永) and Baek Gyeong-jun(白慶順) etc. sang Sugungga. The Dongpyeonje masters developed the 'Toggigibyeon(토끼奇變)' related Deoneum paying attention on the latter part of Sugungga same as the early days masters. Meanwhile it looks like that they had interest in developing the parts which belong to the middle and early parts of Sugungga like 'Toggiwhasang(토끼畵像)', 'Gogocheonbyeon(皐皐天邊)' and 'Tobyeolmundab(兎鱉問答)'. The Seopyeonje masters developed the parts belong to the early part of Sugungga, which are related to Dragon King and the courtiers in Sugung palace, like 'YongwangTansik(龍王歎息)'. And I could confirm that they developed the parts influenced by Shin Jaehyo's editorials like 'Tosahobi(兎死狐悲)' and 'Goguksancheon(故國山川)' etc. In short, I could confirm the trend that the Pansori masters in 19th century had interest in from the latter part to the early part of Sugungga. If taking a look focusing on main characters, they moved their interest in from Rabbit to the courtiers including Byeoljubu(鱉主簿) and Dragon King in Sugung palace, and it could say that, in this trend, Sori part and Deoneum were developed.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.53
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• pp.131-161
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• 2018

Emotional expressions are expressions that show the internal condition of mind or consciousness. Types of emotional expressions include vocabulary that describes emotion, the composition of sentences that expresses emotion such as an exclamatory sentence and rhetorical question, expressions of interjection, appellation, causative, passive, adverbs of attitude for an idea, and a style of writing. This study focuses on vocabulary that describes emotion and analyzes the aspect of translation when emotional expressions of 'Hu(怖)' is shown on "Kokoro". The aspect of translation was analyzed by three categories as follows; a part of speech, handling of subjects, and classification of meanings. As a result, the aspect of translation for expressions of Hu(怖)' showed that they were translated to vocabulary as they were suggested in the dictionary in some cases. However, they were not always translated as they were suggested in the dictionary. Vocabulary that described the emotion of 'Hu(怖)' in Japanese sentences were mostly translated to their corresponding parts of speech in Korean. Some adverbs needed to add 'verbs' when they were translated. Also, different vocabulary was added or used to maximize emotion. However, the correspondence of a part of speech in English was different from Korean. Examples of Japanese sentences that expressed 'Hu(怖)' by verbs were translated to expression of participles for passive verbs such as 'fear', 'dread', 'worry', and 'terrify' in many cases. Also, idioms were translated with focus on the function of sentences rather than the form of sentences. Examples, what was expressed in adverbs did not accompany verbs of 'Hu (怖)'. Instead, it was translated to the expression of participles for passive verbs and adjectives such as 'dread', 'worry', and 'terrify' in many cases. The main agents of emotion were shown in the first person and the third person in simple sentences. The translation on emotional expressions when a main agent was the first person showed that the fundamental word order of Japanese was translated as it was in Korean. However, adverbs of time and adverbs of degree tended to be added. Also, the first person as the main agent of emotion was positioned at the place of subject when it was translated in English. However, things or the cause of events were positioned at the place of subject in some cases to show the degree of 'Hu(怖)' which the main agent experienced. The expression of conjecture and supposition or a certain visual and auditory basis was added to translate the expression of emotion when the main agent of emotion was the third person. Simple sentences without a main agent of emotion showed that their subjects could be omitted even if they were essential components because they could be known through context in Korean. These omitted subjects were found and translated in English. Those subjects were not necessarily humans who were the main agents of emotion. They could be things or causes of events that specified the expression of emotion.