• RED RIBBON
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• s.81
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• pp.16-20
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• 2008

지난 8월 멕시코시티에서는 제 17차 국제에이즈회의가 개최되었다. 라틴아메리카 지역에서 최초로 열린 이번 행사에는 전 세계에서 약 25,000여 명의 에이즈 관련 학자, 단체, 기업, 감염인들이 참가하여 역대 최다를 기록을 수립했다. 본 행사는 멕시코 정부, 국제에이즈협회(IAS), UNAIDS, WHO와 같은 국제 기구 및 전 세계 감염인 연대, 지역사회 관계자, 종교관계자들이 합동으로 주관하여 개최한 행사로 에이즈와 관련한 생의학, 사회과학, 보건학, 인권 등의 각 분야별로 열띤 학술발표와 토론 경험의 교류가 이루어졌다.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.53-78
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• 2011

The day of the Dead, so called as 'El día de los muertos' in Mexico is the traditional festival of the mexicans. There is no doubt that the origin of the festival traces back to the times of the people of Azteca before the Invasion of the spanish soldiers into the land of the soldiers of Teotihuacán. The festival rituals of the Azteca are the same as the catholic rituals in converging the actual characteristics and the cultural structure of the Festival. Therefore the hybridity of the Festival has been considered as high value worthy to be conserved and named as a world cultural heritage by the UNESCO. This investigation has been realized through the survey of questionnaire to get some practical informations and data on how the mexicans think of the Festival and enjoy it according to the diversity of the believes, sexes, locations, ages, etc. We could reveal that the absolute majority of the mexicans consider the Festival as very positive. Even though the sexes, educations, ages can't be elements to make the differences in conforming the common think of the day of the Dead, believes and locations where the people do live are the most sensitive elements that influence upon the ways of thinking. The protestants think negatively while the catholics do reflect the average opinion of the mexicans who consider the Festival as a good and positive tradition. The people of the city participate less than the people of the provinces. Conclusively the day of the Dead can be considered as a national symbol of the people of Mexico.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.291-311
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• 2005

The great estate system of the Old World crossed the Atlantic Ocean in the 1500s along with the Spanish Royal Army, mission, merchants, crops and domestic arrivals, landing at the end of the journey in the Middle and South Americas. The latifundio of Spain's Middle Age combined with the environment of the New World to be regenerated in the name of hacienda which bad became tightly roared in the countryside landscape of New Spain by fin-de-colonial period of 1820s. The haciendas were distributed mainly over the central part of the present-dey Mexico, and the presence of water and towns determined the specific location of the large landed estates. Depending on the activities performed, the hacienda can be divided into several types such as grain hacienda, livestock hacienda, mining hacienda, henequen hacienda, and so forth. Consisting of landlords, estate managers and waged labor called peons, the hacienda as a semi-autarkic settlement played various roles as the home of church, the agrarian center and the hearth of cultural diffusion, as well as dwelling. Toward the end of the colonial period the hacienda experienced internal transformations driven by capitalism.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.25
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• pp.185-212
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• 2011

The faith in St. Mary of Guadalupe is supposed to be concerned not as reminiscence of historical events or legends, but organic product of having nowness. It's an organism that can not be stay in a fixed type. From the perspectives of syncretism the coexistence of heterogeneous elements (Symbiosis) between Catholicism and Aztec's religion has been changed constantly depending on the necessity and function of the subjects who have dreamed the social integration. It's fundamentally clear that the faith in St. Mary of Guadalupe is still valid phenomenon in the modern Mexican society and that the faith is an aspect of popular catholicism which includes the remaining elements of the religion of the Aztecs. This is to understand the meanings of the perception of the contemporary mexicans on the phenomenon for the faith in St. Mary of Guadalupe. Through in-depth interviews, it is revealed that a high rate of sharing of the information does not mean the proportional acceptance of the history. It's a interesting point to see that the mexicans consider the faith in St. Mary of Guadalupe catholic belief, having a feeling of strong tie between themselves and the Aztec's religion. In spite of the historical conflicts over the veracity of St. Mary of Gaudalupe, the majority of the contemporary mexicans consider the faith positive element to consolidate the nationality and socio-cultural identity of $M{\acute{e}}xico$ against the socio-political and ethnic conflicts in the Mexican Society.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.45
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• pp.219-243
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• 2016

The life of Antonin Artaud exactly reproduces a very cruel drama. He lived in constant anguish and suffered from severe mental pain. This research will trace his thoughts in his writings while he was a prisoner of language. Artaud was a poet filled with anxiety about language, things, being, and thought. Whenever he tried to explain the mystery of being by means of mundane language, he experienced psychological agony. His poetic thoughts began to break down, because of his identity loss. Nevertheless, he was destined to grasp the world through language. Artaud had suffered from mental illness during his youth. His mental illness was associated with his difficulty in creating poetry. In this research, the letter, Correspondance avec Jacques $Rivi{\grave{e}}re$, is analyzed. The poet refers to "the collapse of the spirit's core, and the erosion of the fundamental thought that slips away" to convey his linguistic incompetence. Hereafter, he constantly demonstrated anxious mental symptoms. Even though he became mentally deranged, he maintained his consciousness, as is apparent in his writings. Also, his spiritual belief is reflected in his mental uneasiness. While he was traveling through the Tarahumaras area in Mexico, he was obsessed with its primitive belief in the Peyote rituals, and he immersed himself in performing them. His unchristian belief was the product of his mystical personality. Until his last breath, he did not give up writing. Artaud's mental derangement does not mean lunacy, but if one insists in calling it so, that is a metaphor. His derangement comes from his refusal to accept his limitations and from his aspiring to regard his body in the same light as his intellectual perceptions. His intellect could manifest more easily when his mind was elevated to the extreme. Artaud's lunacy is no different from that of a profound philosopher. The lives of poets who suffer from mental derangement are more poetic than the lives of those who do not. Artaud's atypical emotions provide a way of to measure our own limitations, helplessness, and resignation. His scream is nonsegmental but different from that of a mental patient. That difference is why people are interested in his works and wish to delve into his writings.