• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.19-48
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• 1974

Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.43-54
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• 2001

This study was to investigate the behavior related to health, food habits, food consumption pattern and nutrient intakes of female students who residing in dormitory(self cooking) according to BMI(Body Mass Index). This study was carried out by questionnaired on June, 2000. Three hundred nine students were answered. The results were as follows: 1. The means of height, weight and BMI were 162.37$\pm$4.36cm, 52.48$\pm$5.54kg and 19.89$\pm$1.89. Under 20 of BMI among students were 53.1% and 20-25 of BMI were 46.9% of students. 2. In the self recognition of body shape, 63.4% of under weight subjects answered that their weight were normal. 73.1% of normal weight regard themselves more obese than their actual body shape normally shows. 51.2% of under weight subjects had attempted to control their weight. This results suggest that their weight control attempts were unnecessary. 3. 81.4% of subjects were answered irregular meals regardless BMI. 89.6% of subjects skipped breakfast. The main reasons were due to lack of time or not to eat proper food. Under weight subjects had less snack than normal weight subjects did(p '||'&'||'lt; 0.05). Normal weight subjects had more bun and cake than under weight subjects(p '||'&'||'gt; 0.05). 4. The consumption of vegetables and fruits were low regardless BMI. Mean energy, protein, Fe, Vit A, B$_1$, B$_2$, niacin, Vit C were above 75% of RDA, except calcium, in subjects. This study suggest that a comprehensive nutrition education program is need for college student in dormitory to improve their eating habits about skipping meal and breakfast and to increase the consumption of vegetables and fruits.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.53 no.spc
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• pp.96-102
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• 2008

This study was carried out to examine agronomic characteristics and seed qualities of 827 Korean soybean landraces according to the collecting areas. Agronomic characteristics and seed qualities was examined according to the localities by weather characteristics. Days to flowering was the longest (mean 70.9 days) in the northwest seashore, and the most short in the south inland (mean 63.8 days). Growth days was the longest in the Gyeongbuk inland (mean 136.0 days), and the most short in the mountain-high (mean 132.8 days). The stem height was the most short in the north-west seashore (mean 81.3 cm), and in the south seashore (mean 58.8 cm). The seed weight of 100 seeds was the lightest in the north-west seashore (mean 17.1 g), and the heaviest in the south-west seashore (mean 21.5 g). The crude protein contents was the lowest in the north-west seashore (mean 40.1%), the highest in the south seashore (mean 42.8%), and vice versa in the crude oil. The contents of sucrose and oligo-saccharide was the highest 5.8% and 8.6%, respectively, in the mountain-high, and the lowest 4.8% and 7.6% in the Gyeongbuk inland and south seashore, respectively. Among the iso-flavone contests, the contents of genistein and total was the highest, $635.6\;{\mu}g/g$ and $1258.1\;{\mu}g/g$, respectively, in the mountain inland, and the lowest $319.2\;{\mu}g/g$ and $835.3\;{\mu}g/g$ in the south-west seashore. The contents of glycitein was the highest $124.3\;{\mu}g/g$ in the south seashore.

• Journal of Chest Surgery
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• v.41 no.3
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• pp.329-334
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• 2008

Background: Percutaneous cardiopulmonary support. (PCPS) has the potential to rescue patients in cardiogenic shock who might otherwise die. PCPS has been a therapeutic option in a variety of the clinical settings such as for patients with myocardial Infarction, high-risk coronary intervention and postcardiotomy cardiogenic shock, and the PCPS device is easy to install. We report our early experience with PCPS as a life saving procedure in cardiogenic shock patients due to acute myocardial infarction. Material and Method: From January 2005 to December 2006, eight patients in cardiogenic shock with acute myocardial infarction underwent PCPS using the CAPIOX emergency bypass system($EBS^{(R)}$, Terumo, Tokyo, Japan). Uptake cannulae were inserted deep into the femoral vein up to the right atrium and return cannulae were inserted into the femoral artery with Seldinger techniques using 20 and 16-French cannulae, respectively. Simultaneously, autopriming was performed at the $EBS^{(R)}$ circuit. The $EBS^{(R)}$ flow rate was maintained between $2.5{\sim}3.0L/min/m^2$ and anticoagulation was performed using intravenous heparin with an ACT level above 200 seconds. Result: The mean age of patients was $61.1{\pm}14.2$ years (range, 39 to 77 years). Three patients were under control of the $EBS^{(R)}$ before percutaneous coronary intervention (PCI), three patients were under control of the $EBS^{(R)}$ during PCI, one patient was under control of the $EBS^{(R)}$ after PCI, and one patient was under control of the $EBS^{(R)}$ after coronary bypass surgery. The mean support time was $47.5{\pm}27.9$ hours (range, 8 to 76 hours). Five patients (62.5%) could be weaned from the $EBS^{(R)}$ after $53.6{\pm}27.2$ hours. (range, 12 to 68 hours) of support. All of the patients who could successfully be weaned from support were discharged from the hospital. There were three complications: one case of gastrointestinal bleeding and two cases of acute renal failure. Two of the three mortality cases were under cardiac arrest before $EBS^{(R)}$ support, and one patient had an intractable ventricular arrhythmia during the support. All of the discharged patients are still surviving at $16.8{\pm}3.1$ months (range, 12 to 20 months) of follow-up. Conclusion: The use of $EBS^{(R)}$ for cardiogenic shock caused by an acute myocardial infarction could rescue patients who might otherwise have died. Successfully recovered patients after $EBS^{(R)}$ treatment have survived without severe complications. More experience and additional clinical investigations are necessary to elucidate the proper installation timing and management protocol of the $EBS^{(R)}$ in the future.

• Journal of Chest Surgery
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• v.36 no.7
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• pp.463-471
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• 2003

The long-term results of combined mitral valve repair and aortic valve replacement (AVR) have not been well evaluated. This study was performed to investigate the early and long-term results of mitral valve repair with AVR. Material and Method: We retrospectively reviewed 45 patients who underwent mitral valve repair and AVR between September 1990 and April 2002. The average age was 47 years: 28 were men and 17 women. Twelve patients had atrial fibrillation and three had a previous cardiac operation. The mitral valve disease consisted of pure insufficiency (MR) in 34 patients, mitral stenosis (MS) in 3, and mixed lesion in 8. Mitral valve disease was due to rheumatic origin in 24 patients, degenerative in 11, annular dilatation in 8, and ischemia or endocarditis in 2. The functional anatomy of mitral valve was annular dilatation in 31 patients, chordal elongation in 19, leaflet thickening in 19, commissural fusion in 13, chordal fusion in 10, chordal rupture in 6, and so on. Aortic prostheses used included mechanical valve in 32 patients, tissue valve in 12, and pulmonary autograft in one. The techniques of mitral valve repair included annuloplasty in 32 patients and various valvuloplasty of 54 techniques in 29 patients. Total cardiopulmonary bypass and aortic cross clamp time were 204$\pm$62 minute and 153$\pm$57 minutes, respectively. Result: Early death was in one patient due to low output syndrome (2.2%). After follow up of 57$\pm$37 months, late death was in one patient and the actuarial survival at 10 years was 96$\pm$4%. Recurrent MR developed grade II or III in 11 patients and moderate MS in 3. Three patients required reoperation for valve-related complications. The actuarial freedom from recurrent MR, MS, and reoperation were 64$\pm$11%, 86$\pm$8%, and 89$\pm$7% respectively. Conclusion: Combined mitral valve repair with AVR offers good early and long-term survival, and adequate techniques and selection of indication of mitral valve repair, especially in rheumatic disease, are prerequisites for better long-term results.

• Journal of Chest Surgery
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.201-209
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• 2004

Extracorporeal life support (ECLS) system is a device for respiratory and/or heart failure treatment, and there have been many trials for development and clinical application in the world. Currently, a non-pulsatile blood pump is a standard for ECLS system. Although a pulsatile blood pump is advantageous in physiologic aspects, high pressure generated in the circuits and resultant blood cell trauma remain major concerns which make one reluctant to use a pulsatile blood pump in artificial lung circuits containing a membrane oxygenator. The study was designed to evaluate the hypothesis that placement of a pressure-relieving compliance chamber between a pulsatile pump and a membrane oxygenator might reduce the above mentioned side effects while providing physiologic pulsatile blood flow. The study was performed in a canine model of oleic acid induced acute lung injury (N=16). The animals were divided into three groups according to the type of pump used and the presence of the compliance chamber, In group 1, a non-pulsatile centrifugal pump was used as a control (n=6). In group 2 (n=4), a single-pulsatile pump was used. In group 3 (n=6), a single-pulsatile pump equipped with a compliance chamber was used. The experimental model was a partial bypass between the right atrium and the aorta at a pump flow of 1.8∼2 L/min for 2 hours. The observed parameters were focused on hemodynamic changes, intra-circuit pressure, laboratory studies for blood profile, and the effect on blood cell trauma. In hemodynamics, the pulsatile group II & III generated higher arterial pulse pressure (47$\pm$ 10 and 41 $\pm$ 9 mmHg) than the nonpulsatile group 1 (17 $\pm$ 7 mmHg, p<0.001). The intra-circuit pressure at membrane oxygenator were 222 $\pm$ 8 mmHg in group 1, 739 $\pm$ 35 mmHg in group 2, and 470 $\pm$ 17 mmHg in group 3 (p<0.001). At 2 hour bypass, arterial oxygen partial pressures were significantly higher in the pulsatile group 2 & 3 than in the non-pulsatile group 1 (77 $\pm$ 41 mmHg in group 1, 96 $\pm$ 48 mmHg in group 2, and 97 $\pm$ 25 mmHg in group 3: p<0.05). The levels of plasma free hemoglobin which was an indicator of blood cell trauma were lowest in group 1, highest in group 2, and significantly decreased in group 3 (55.7 $\pm$ 43.3, 162.8 $\pm$ 113.6, 82.5 $\pm$ 25.1 mg%, respectively; p<0.05). Other laboratory findings for blood profile were not different. The above results imply that the pulsatile blood pump is beneficial in oxygenation while deleterious in the aspects to high pressure generation in the circuits and blood cell trauma. However, when a pressure-relieving compliance chamber is applied between the pulsatile pump and a membrane oxygenator, it can significantly reduce the high circuit pressure and result in low blood cell trauma.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.68-92
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• 1995

Recentry the structure of the retail trade have been chanaed with its environmantal changes. Some studies may be necessary on the changing process of environment and fundamental structure analyses of the retail trade. This study analyzes the location of retail trades, inhabitants' behavior in retail tredes and their desirable utilization scheme of them in Kwangju-si. Some study methods, contents and coming-out results are as follows: 1. Retail trades can be classified into independent stores, chain-stores (supermarket, voluntary chain and frenchiise system and convenience store), department stores, cooperative associations, traditional, markets mail-order marketing, automatic vending and others by service levels, selling-items, prices, managements, methods of retailing and store or nonstore type. 2. In Kwangju, the environment of retail trades is related to the consumers of population structure: chanes in consumers pattern, trends toward agings and nuclear family, increase of leisur: time and female advances to society. Rapid structural shift in retail trade has also been occurred due to these social changes. Traditionl and premodern markets until 1970s altere to supermarkets or department stores in 1980s, and various types, large enterprises and foreign capitals came into being in 1990s. 3. The locational characteristics of retail trades are resulted from the spatial analysis of the total population distribution, and from the calculation of segregation index in the light of potential demand. The densely-populated areas occurs in newly-built apartment housing complex which is distributed with a ring-shaped pattern around the old urban core. The numbers and rates of the aged over sixty in Kwangsan-gu and the circumference area of Mt.Moodeung, are larger and higher where rural elements are remarkable. A relation between population distribution and retail trade are analysed by the index of population per shop. The index of the population number per shop is lower in urban center, as a whole, being more convenient for consumers. In newly-formed apartment complex areas, on the other, the index more than 1,000 per shop, meeting not the demands for consumers. Because both the younger and the aged are numerous in these areas, the retail trade pattern pertinent to both are needed. Urban fringes including Kwangsan-gu and the vicinity of Mt.Moodeung have some problems owing to the most of population number per shop (more than 1, 500) and the most extensive as well. 4. The regional characteristic of retail trade is analyzed through the location quotient of shops by locational patterns and centerality index. Chungkum-dong is the highest-order central place in CBD. It is the core of retail trades, which has higher-ordered specialty store including three big department stores, supermarkets and large stores. Taegum-dong, Chungsu-dong, Taeui-dong, and Numun-dong that are neiahbored to Chungkum-dong fall on the second group. They have a central commercial section where large chain stores, specialty shopping streets, narrow-line retailing shops (furniture, amusement service, and gallary), supermarkets and daily markets are located. The third group is formed on the axis of state roads linking to Naju-kun, Changseong-kun, Tamyang-kun, Hwasun-kun and forme-Songjeong-eup. It is related to newly, rising apartment housing complex along a trunk road, and characterized by markets and specialty stores. The fourth group has neibourhood-shopping centers including older residential area and Songjeong-eup area with independent stores and supermarkets as main retailing functions. The last group contains inner residential area and outer part of a city including Songjeong-eup. Outer part of miscellaneous shops being occasionally found is rural rather than urban (Fig. 7). 5. The residents' behaviors using retail trade are analyzed by factors of goods and facilities. Department stores are very high level in preference for higher-order shopping-goods such as clothes for full dress in view of both diversity and quality of goods(28.9%). But they have severe traffic congestions, and high competitions for market ranges caused by their sma . 64.0% of respondents make combined purpose trips together with banking and shopping. 6. For more efficiency of retail-trading, it is necessary to induce spatial distribution policy with regard to opportunity frequency of goods selection by central place, frontier regions and age groups. Also we must consider to analyze competition among different types of retail trade and analyze the consumption behaviors of working females and younger-aged groups, in aspects of time and space. Service improvement and the rationalization of management should be accomplished in such as cooperative location (situation) must be under consideration in relations to other functions such as finance, leisure & sports, and culture centers. Various service systems such as installment, credit card and peremium ticket, new used by enterprises, must also be carried service improvement. The rationalization and professionalization in for the commercial goods are bsically requested.

• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.47-55
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• 1998

Background : It is almost important therapy modality to control pain for the terminal cancer patients for the last 24 hours because those terminally illed patient deserved to have pain free and peaceful time before death. Physician who is deal with terminal cancer patients for their last 24 hours does not need to worry about drug addiction or other untoward side reactions of pain medications. The purpose of this study was to evaluate if terminally illed cancer patient was given pain medication properly and sufficiently and if there was any different behavior to control pain of terminal cancer patients between medical physicians and surgeons in terms of type, amount and administration route and frequency. Methods : A retrospective chart audit of analgesic type, amount and administration route was performed on the medical recorders of 160 hospitalized terminal cancer patients who had died in the Korea University Medical Center Anam Hospital during the period of July 1, 1994 to June 30, 1995. Patients were classified into 103 patients were cared for by medical physicians and 57 patients were cared for by surgeons. After then, we analysed the difference of pain control pattern between them. Different types and amount of analgesics were converted to a common standard, an oral morphine equivalents(OME) relative to 1mg of oral morphine. Results : 1) The total number of patients was 160, male 102 cases(63.8%), and the female was 58 cases(36.2%) respectively. 2) The mean age was 56.4(${\pm}14.62$) years old and mean admission period was 27.8 days(${\pm}34.85$). 3) The frequent cancer site was stomach 42 cases(26.315), lung and liver 29 cases(18.1%) each, pancreas 10 cases(6.2%) in order 4) 125 out of 160 subjects (78.13%) complained pain, and 66 out of 103(64.08%) and 31 out of 57(54.39%) were treated with analgesics to relieve pain. 50 out of 97(51.55%) were able to continue on oral medication. 5) 86 cases(53.75%) were well oriented 24 hours prior to death. 6) The frequent analgesics for regular basis were long acting form of oral morphine 34 cases(Medical phsicians 24, Surgeons 10), intravenous morphine 26 cases(Medical physicians 20, Surgeons 6) in order, and the most common p.r.n.(pro re nata) analgesics used was intravenous morphine. 7) The mean amount of analgesics on regular basis was 115.41 OME by medical physicians and 52.7 OME by surseons(P<0.05). The mean amount of p.r.n. analgesics was significantly larger in patients are for by surgeons(66.64 OME) than medical physicians 23.49 OME(P<0.01). 8) The mean frequency of administrated number of p.r.n. analgesics was 0.62 times/day on medical part and 1.88 times/day on surgical part (P<0.001). Conclusion : Of the 97 patients with advanced cancer, 51.55% were able to take oral medications in the last day of life. The parenteral analgesics were more frequently used in the patients cared for by surgeons than medical physicians. Over the half of terminal cancer patients were well oriented in the last day of life. Doctor's knowledge and attitude towards pain is very important to mange the pain, effectively.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Radiology
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• v.5 no.4
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• pp.189-194
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• 2011

This study used magnetic resonance diffusion tensor imaging (DTI) to quantitatively analyze the neural fiber tractography according to the age of normal corpus callosum and to evaluate of usefulness. The research was intended for the applicants of 60 persons that was in a good state of health with not brain or other disease. The test parameters were TR: 6650 ms, TE: 66 ms, FA: $90^{\circ}$, NEX: 2, thickness: 2 mm, no gap, FOV: 220 mm, b-value: $800s/mm^2$, sense factor: 2, acquisition matrix size: $2{\times}2{\times}2mm^3$, and the test time was 3 minutes 46 seconds. The evaluation method was constructed the color-cored FA map include to the skull vertex from the skull base in scan range. We set up the five ROI of corpus callosum of genu, anterior-mid body, posterior-mid body, isthmus, and splenium, tracking, respectively, and to quantitatively measured the length of neural fiber. As a result, the length of neural fiber, for the corpus callosum of genu was 20's: $61.8{\pm}6.8$, 30's: $63.9{\pm}3.8$, 40's: $65.5{\pm}6.4$, 50's: $57.8{\pm}6.0$, 60's: $58.9{\pm}4.5$, more than 70's: $54.1{\pm}8.1mm$, for the anterior-mid body was 20's: $54.8{\pm}8.8$, 30's: $58.5{\pm}7.9$, 40's: $54.8{\pm}7.8$, 50's: $56.1{\pm}10.2$, 60's: $48.5{\pm}6.2$, more than 70's: $48.6{\pm}8.3mm$, for the posterior-mid body was 20's: $72.7{\pm}9.1$, 30's: $61.6{\pm}9.1$, 40's: $60.9{\pm}10.5$, 50's: $61.4{\pm}11.7$, 60's: $54.9{\pm}10.0$, more than 70's: $53.1{\pm}10.5mm$, for the isthmus was 20's: $71.5{\pm}17.4$, 30's: $74.1{\pm}14.9$, 40's: $73.6{\pm}14.2$, 50's: $66.3{\pm}12.9$, 60's: $56.5{\pm}11.2$, more than 70's: $56.8{\pm}11.3mm$, and for the splenium was 20's: $82.6{\pm}6.8$, 30's: $86.9{\pm}6.4$, 40's: $83.1{\pm}7.1$, 50's: $81.5{\pm}7.4$, 60's: $78.6{\pm}6.0$, more than 70's: $80.55{\pm}8.6mm$. The length of neural fiber for normal corpus callosum were statistically significant in the genu(P=0.001), posterior-mid body(P=0.009), and istumus(P=0.012) of corpus callosum. In order of age, the length of neural fiber increased from 30s to 40s, as one grows older tended to decrease. For this reason, the nerve cells of brain could be confirmed through the neural fiber tractography to progress actively in middle age.