• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.341-364
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• 2017

This thesis is to reflect prevalently stereo-typed community ideas and find alternative ones that have interconnected, relational, and autonomous acting system for our lives. Probably community is the collective space in which 'I' as the subject in the world meet others and achieve the desirable objects each other. By the way the community spaces could be nation state, societies, and people of nation or ones that deal local problems, environments, and ecology and clubs ect, which are variable according to our concerns. In a sense community pay attention to not societies such as nations or people but lives of individuals, preparing for the territories where men feel convenient in their bodies and mentalities without artificial manipulation. In such a community the participant's vital energy can be stretched actively and relationally, and even if the leader be, there is the politics of doing nothingness not to be the obstacle in the way mens' will goes. In those communities they can live their lives at their nature and realize their dreams without barriers to their way. If we find these ideas of communities which are alternative for our period, we should gaze at Asiatic ones that may be scattered in classics of Confucianism, Daoim and ect. With these concepts and concerns, this paper was drawn up.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.32
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• pp.219-236
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• 2012

It is well known that records management is closely related to democracy, and the records management 'innovation' in Korea did also aim to reach democratic 'accountability' and 'governance'. Likewise, the first reason this article deals with the establishment of archival community in the East Asia is to help promote democracy and form a co-operative relations in the region through records management. Secondly, the distorted view of history easily found in the history textbooks of each countries should be corrected for the 21st East Asia in peace. Records and memories in the past are main components for the present and the future. A great many records to solve the disputes over history still remains inaccessible at large in the archives of the East Asia. A coming archival community will endeavor to disclose and share the historical records for harmonious awareness of history. Cooperation and solidarity within archival community in the East Asia featuring democratic accountability, governance and more records disclosure can be a brand-new start for peace and 'better' democracy in his region.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.195-218
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• 2011

Discussion of Economic Community in East Asia are active. This trend began in the late 20th from the EU and North America's regional economic integration is in response to the movement. East Asia in the late 1990s to the actual for the FTA, it was not very active. As East Asian Economic Community became one of agendas for ASEAN+3 Leaders' meeting since 2004. Japan has been positioned itself as a leading country in East Asia. However, the emergence of China in the East Asian economic community have been changes. Moreover, East Asian countries began concerns over regional economic community with frequent conclusions of FTAs and China is leading the discussion on strengthening economic cooperation in the region. Some of it in terms of economic community in East Asia will not be smooth. First, East Asian countries do not have a common goal. Second, East Asian countries have a lot of diversity. Third, China and Japan are expected to compete in the championship. Therefore, East Asian economic community should be approached in the long-term perspective.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.155-184
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• 2017

ASEAN marking its 50th anniversary in 2017 draws hopes and concerns. There is hope for the full realization of the vision of ASEAN Community since 2015 while there are increasing concerns about the changing internal and external environments. This article reviews the process of ASEAN's community building and its external relations. First, after reviewing institutionalization and functional cooperation in 2016, it argues that there is increasing pressure for the modification of the 'ASEAN Way' mainly due to the recent political changes in some ASEAN member states. Second, this article considers the nature of ASEAN's external relation focusing on continuity rather than change. The tendency of external relations of ASEAN appears to be 'avoiding conflict' and 'status quo' while it concentrates on development cooperation. We argue that such attitude contributes to the unity of ASEAN as it is useful in searching for regional resilience which is a common goal of ASEAN power elites.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.75-96
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• 2012

China will replace the global governance of the 21st century in 2050. The rise of China provide the Chinese development model to other developing countries. There are positive element and disability element in China's 'peaceful rise' strategy at the same time. Success of the reform and opening up, market liberalization, economic interdependency, economic globalization, stability of ruling power, consolidation of one-party rule and soft power increase are the promotions of peaceful rise. China's rise as a power nation begins by regaining the superpower status in East Asia. East Asia is a lebensraum assuring a continuing growth to China. For this lebensraum, China shows an interest in institutionalization of regional economic cooperation. The core values of ASEAN, namely the mutual respect, harmonious coexistence, co-prosperity, egalitarianism and pluralism are in conform to China's policy of harmonious world and peaceful coexistence. Through this common value the tension in East Asia will be alleviated. By the regional hegemony strategy based on soft power and economic success, China will try to regain the past glorious position. Attaining status as a coordinator of the world rule will be based on the success of the East Asian strategy. Korea and other neighboring countries will be the best beneficiary countries of the China's rise strategy. China's rising strategy will have a profound effect on neighboring countries especially, Korea. The scale of the movement of goods, labor, and capital between the two countries will become much larger than present. Through regional trade agreements, economic interdependency between Korea and China will increase.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.309-330
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• 2010

This paper examines the life-cycle and birth cohort effect on East Asian supranational identity. This paper also explores how national identity is related with supranational identity among Koreans. Using the 2008 CCGA-EAI survey, we analyze the determinants of supranational East Asian identity. The results suggest several interesting findings. Age and national identity have positive effects on East Asian identity. Among generational cohorts, the democratization cohort were less likely than other cohorts to have East Asian identity. These findings suggest several implications. First, in Korea, unlike other countries in the Western world, the older tend to have stronger regional identity than the younger do. Second, unlike the existing literature, this paper finds that strong national identity (pride) is complementary, rather than substitutive, to supranational regional identity. This warrants further systematic research on the microfoundation on the relationship between regional integration and nationalism in Northeast Asia.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.27
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• pp.267-361
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• 2008

This article traces how the modern Chinese "nation" was constructed as an "imagined community" around Huang-ti (the Yellow Emperor) in late Qing. Huang-ti was a legendary figure in ancient China and the imperial courts monopolized the worship of him. Many late Qing intellectuals appropriated this symbolic figure and, through a set of discursive strategies of "framing, voice and narrative structure," transformed him into a privileged symbol for modern Chinese national identity. What Huang-ti could offer was, however, no more than a "public face" for the imagined new national community, or in other words, a formal structure without substantial contents. No consensus appeared on whom the Chinese nation should include and where the Chinese nation should draw its boundaries. The anti-Manchu revolutionaries emphasized the primordial attachment of blood and considered modern China an exclusive community of Huang-ti's descent. The constitutional reformers sought to stretch the boundaries to include the ethnic groups other than the Han. Some minority intellectuals, particularly the Manchu ones, re-constructed the historic memory of their ethnic origin around Huang-ti. The quarrels among intellectuals of different political persuasion testify how Huang-ti as the most powerful cultural symbol became a site for contests and negotiations in the late Qing process of national construction.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.46
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• pp.37-74
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• 2009

This research is an attempt to investigate cultural identity at the international level. Asia is one of the weakest communities in the world due to discrepancies in terms of political, economic, social and cultural aspects. Additionally, Asia has never been independent in communication flows since imperialist history until the Korean wave emerged at the turn of this century. The Korean wave reflects complex power embedded in postcolonial world in addition to cultural commonality among Asian audiences. I have conducted audience researches on Korean drama fandom in Japan and China. I adopt Lacanian psychoanalysis in order to interpret identity issues of Asian media audiences. Particularly, Deleuze and Guattari's theories are useful to scrutinize group identity of Asian community. Additionally, I refer to theories of nationalism.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Broadcast Engineers Conference
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• 2018.11a
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• pp.1-2
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• 2018

최근 포스트휴머니즘은 오늘날 북아메리카와 서유럽을 비롯하여 동아시아 학문 공동체에서 가장 뜨거운 화두가 되고 있다. 포스트휴머니즘은 4차 산업혁명의 핵심인 NBIC기술의 융합으로 사유와 논의가 가능해진 개념이다. 포스트휴머니즘는 기존의 휴머니즘 그리고 트랜스 휴머니즘과 밀접한 관계를 맺는다. 서구 휴머니즘 전통의 핵심은 17세기 합리주의 정신에 이르러 하나의 절정을 이룬다. 논자는 오늘날 뜨거운 화두인 포스트휴먼 논의의 발단은 서구 모더니티로부터 비롯된다고 본다. 기술의 융합적 발전이 인간, 인간의 본질, 인간의 정의를 변화시키고 있다는 점에 주목한다. NBIC으로 대표되는 과학기술융합은 인간을 변화시키고 있음은 분명하다. 우리는 그것을 트랜스휴머니즘으로 정의한 바 있다. 이제 인류문명은 트랜스휴머니즘을 넘어서 각종 보철술이 인간의 몸을 대신하는 포스트휴먼으로 진화 가능한 단계로 접어들었다. 기술의 급진적인 발전으로 기존의 근대적 재현과 표상, 상징체계가 바뀌는 것이다. 미셀 푸코는 '이를 두고 '근대적 인간의 소멸'을 예견한 바 있다. (1) 우리는 이 시점에서 이러한 급진적이고도 근본적인 변화를 촉발하는 '기술혁명' 시대에 '인간은 무엇인가', 인간적인 적인 것은 무엇인가'에 관한 이른바 인간학적 지평에 대환 논의가 긴급하다고 판단한다.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.1-20
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• 2018

Southeast Asia witnessed a paradox of political stagnation and economic development in 2017. The 'dual order' of security dependence on America and economic dependence on China was sustained in East Asia. In this regard, Southeast Asia of two faces was quite similar to broader East Asia. On one hand, the old socialist group with totalitarian nostalgia lurked in the buffer zone between totalitarianism and authoritarianism, while the original capitalist group under democratic disguise roamed in the gray zone between authoritarianism and democracy. On the other, the old socialist group with the legacy of the planned economy succumbed to the temptation of the Beijing Consensus on state capitalism, while the original capitalist group with the myth of the market economy was exposed to the pressure of the Washington Consensus on liberal capitalism. The ASEAN Community representing the regional integration of Southeast Asia was caught in the strategic predicament of a looming 'new cold war' between the continental and maritime powers.