• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.30 no.3
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• pp.269-295
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• 1995

This research is concerned with the social division of labor within the traditional industry district: Damyang bamboo ware industry district and Yeoju pottery industry district in South Korea, Damyang bamboo ware and Yeoju pottery are well known of the Korean traditional industry. The social division of labor in an industry district is considered as an important factor. The social division of labor helps the traditional industry to survive today. This summary shows five significant points from the major findings. First, Damyang bamoo ware industry and Yoeju pottery industry have experienced the growth stages until 1945, the stagnation in the 1960s, and the business recovery in the 1980s. Most Korean traditional industries had been radically declined under the Japanese colonization; while, Damyang bamboo ware industry and Yeoju pottery industry district have been developed during above all stages. The extended market to Japan helped the local government to establish a training center, and to provide financial aids and technical aids to crafts men. During the 1960s and 1970s, mass production of substitute goods on factory system resulted in the decrease of demand of bamboo ware and pettery. During the 1980s, these industries have slowly recovered as a result of the increased income per capita. The high rate of economic growth in the 1960s and 1970s was playing an important role in the emerging the incleased demand of the bamboo ware and pottery. Second the production-and-marketing system in a traditional industry district became diversified to adjust the demand of products. In Damyang bamboo ware industry district, the level of social division of labor was low until the high economic development period. Bamboo ware were made by a farmer in a small domestic system, The bamboo goods were mainly sold in the periodic market of bamboo ware in Damyang. In the recession period in the 1960s and 1970s, the production-and-marketing system were diversified; a manufacturing-wholesale type business and small-factory type business became established; and the wholesale business and the export traders in the district appeared. In the recovery period in the 1980s, the production-and-marketing systems were more diversified; a small-factory type business started to depend On subcontractors for a part of process of production; and a wholesale business in the district engaged in production of bamboo ware. In Yeoju pottery industry district, the social division of labor was limited until the early 1970s. A pottery was made by a crafts man in a small-business of domestic system and sold by a middle man out of Yeoju. Since the late 1970s, production-and-marketing system become being diversified as a result of the increased demand in Japan and South Korea. In the 1970s, Korean traditional craft pottery was highiy demanded in Japan. The demand encouraged people in Yoeju to become craftsmen and/or to work in the pottery related occupation. In South Korea, the rapid economic growth resulted in incline to pottery due to the development of stainless and plastic bowls and dishes. The production facilities were modernized to provide pottery at the reasonable price. A small-busineas of domestic system was transformed into a small-factory type business. The social division of labor was intensified in the pottery production-and-maketing system. The manufacturing kaoline began to be seperated from the production process of pottery. Within the district, a pottery wholesale business and a retail business started to be established in the 1980s. Third the traditional industry district was divided into "completed one" and "not-completed one" according to whether or not the district firms led the function of the social division of labor. The Damyang bamboo ware industry district is "completed one": the firm within the district is in charge of the supply of raw material, the production and the marketing. In the Damyang bamboo ware district, the social division of labor w and reorganized labor system to improve the external economics effect through intensifying the social division of labor. Lastly, the social division of labor was playing an important role in the development of traditional industry districts. The subdivision of production process and the diversification of business reduced the production cost and overcame the labor shortage through hiring low-waged workers such as family members, the old people and housewives. An enterpriser with small amount of capital easily joined into the business. The risk from business recession were dispersed. The accumulated know-how in the production and maketing provided flexiblility to produce various goods and to extend the life-cycly of a product.d the life-cycly of a product.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.215-240
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• 2017

This paper reviewed the aspects of using Seoul gut and Hwanghaedo gut, which are gangshingut(exorcism by possessed shamans), and Gyeonggidodanggut and Southern coast byeolshingut, which are seseupmugut(exorcism by hereditary shamans), and based on that, examined the universality of using beats of mudanggut. This study should have examined the use of beats in donghaeangut and honamgut and it was the limitation of this paper. While it examined the universality and mentioned several cases of donghaeangut, this paper will have a clearer point when it studies the use of beats in donghaeangut. Through the process, this study tried to present that though the groups and aspects of performance differ from region to region, the universal principle may be the same. The beats used in gut of different regions have clearly different systems. Depending on performers and ways of performance, different beats are used. As for the system of beats, the name of beats and composition has uniqueness but there are similarities when compared to gut of other regions. In this paper, this was called universality. It means that there are significant differences in the composition of shaman songs, ways of performance, and use of beats but the system of beats is the same. Different aspects of using beats depending on performers are also regional universality. In Seoul gut, the use of beats is different depending on whether a janggujaebi performs gut in the sitting position, singing shamanistic songs or a shaman performs gut in the standing position. Gyeonggidodanggut is representative when it comes to the use of beats being clearly distinguished depending on performers. Beats differ depending on whether the performer is Miji or Sani. Also it is common that through the use of beats they convey the significance of performing shaman songs. It is found in the gut of all areas to express the meaning of cheongshin and oshin and this is seen more conspicuously when expressing some beats are closely related to the status of spirits. In Seoul gut, as the name sangsanjangdan and byeolsangjangdan show, the name of spirits are used as the name of beats and gut of all regions express the significance of expelling spirits through the use of beats. It means that ways of performance differ depending on regions, but there is an awareness of spirits, the main agent of gut. Though seseupmugut has weaker awareness than gangshingut and there are not various factors of performance that show divine power, the use of beats reveal that there is awareness about spirits.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.215-222
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• 1991

The difference between Kimchi, Japanese pickles, Korean Salted and fermented fish intestines and Japanese Salted and fermented fish intestines was investigated by comparising composition of inorganic cation in them. A high-performance liqid chromatography was used for the determination of Na, K, Ca and Mg in Kimchi, Japanese pickles and Salted and fermented fish intestines. The Kimchi samples analyzed were produced in the home, in the restaurant, in the nunnery and by food manufactures in Korea, and the pickles used were produced by food manufactures in Japan, and Salted and fermented fish intestines used were produced by food manufactures in Korea or Japan. The results obtained were summarized as following: (1) Sodium chloride in Kimchi was $1.8{\pm}0.37%$, $2.8{\pm}0.60%$ in Asazuke, Japanese picles which the fresh vegitables was seasoned with sodium chloride and seasoning, $1.8{\pm}0.32%$ in Japanese Kimchi, Japanese pickles which the fresh vegitables was seasoned with the mixture of sodium chloride, garlic powder, red peper's powder and seasoning, $5.3{\pm}0.66%$ in Shoyu Zuke, Japanese pickles which the salted vegetables was seasoned with sodium chloride and seasoning after desalting. (2) Na/K value in Kimchi was $1.7{\pm}0.17$ and $4.6{\pm}1.44$ in Asazuke, $2.6{\pm}0.85$ in Japanese Kimchi and $27.3{\pm}6.79$ in Shoyu zuke respectively. (3) Kimchi contained more K and Ca than Japanese pickles. (4) Kimchi remarkably contained the Ca originating to salted and fermented fish intestines. As the results of this study, it was presumed that while Kimchi and Japanese pickles is well known as a food that contributed to high blood pressure, Kimchi and Japanese Kimchi might not cause the high blood pressure because they have an excellent balance of Na/K value and low Na content. And also it was considered that these differences might be caused by the difference of th food taste between and Korean and Japanese people.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.34
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• pp.149-191
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• 2017

This study examines Korean language translations of traditional Chinese hansi in the 1910s and 1920s. In the $20^{th}$ century, many poets translated Chinese and Korean traditional hansi into Korean. In the early $20^{th}$ century, Korean language began to be used as a national public language. At that time, not only hansi but also poetry from several other languages had been translated into Korean. Choi Nam-sun in the 1910s and Kim So-woel, Kim Eok, and Lee Kwang-su in the 1920s translated Chinese traditional hansi, focusing on famous Dang dynasty poetry from Tu Fu and Li Bai, etc. Choi Nam-sun's translation in the 1910s aimed to consider poetry as a written literature. On the contrary, Kim So-woel, Kim Eok, and Lee Kwang-su believed that Korean modern verse literature should be songs as well as poetry, and their translations in the 1920s aimed to create songs as spoken literature by focusing on orality and universality. Though Korean is now the language, the literary history of hansi continues in modern poetry.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.223-253
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to examine how the Korean classic novel "Shimcheong-jeon" has transformed in juvenile literature since the 2000s. Classical novels are far from modern and temporal, differ from modern cultures. Classic novels are also different from the lives and thoughts of modern children. It is therefore difficult for modern child readers to easily understand or agree with classical novels. In order for classical novels to have the meaning in the present, it is necessary to pay attention to the encounter between classical novels and children's literature. In the case of "Shimcheong-jeon", unlike other classical novels, there are many creative fairy tales. There are seven kinds of fairy tales that transformed "Shimcheong-jeon". They are diverse in genres such as picture books, fairy tales, and juvenile fiction, and are intended for a variety of ages. These works are described in various perspectives such as, Shimcheong who is full of desire, Shim Hakgyu who is disabled, Ppaengdeog's mother who has maternity and subjectivity, The dragon of the dragon king and Byeogdeog who loves Shimcheong, and Shin Cheong who has a dream. The themes of the works vary. So, These works extend our expectations for classical literature. Fairy tales that transformed "Shimcheong-jeon" reflect the lives of children and youths, this is important because it can reduce the distance between classical novels and children and youth readers. Classical novels are modernized and give new meaning to modern children and youths. And it reflects the characteristics of the novels of Pansori's "Shimcheong-jeon", preserving the value of classics. Tears of Paengdeok is a story that explains the origin of Pansori "Shimcheong-ga", and inserts some lyrics of Pansori, in the case of Cheong, Cheong, Pansori style is used. Although humor is the greatest feature of pansori, there are few of Fairy tales that transformed "Shimcheong-jeon". It is a direction to worry and to orient when transforming "Shimcheong-jeon" into a fairy tale.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.3
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• pp.49-82
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• 1965

For the stable and high yields of low-land rice in Korea, the characteristics of rice plant for the vegetative and physiological responses, plant type formation, and yield components have been studied in order to obtain the fundamental data for the improvement of cultural practices, especially for the ideal fertilizer application. Furthermore the environmental conditions in Korea including temperatures, light, precipitation, and soil conditions have been compared in the broad sense with those in Japan, and the application of nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium, silicate and other micro-nutrients were described in relation to the characteristics of environmental conditions for the improvement of fertilizer application. 1. The average yield of polished-rice per 10 are in Korea is about 204 kg and this values are much less than those in Japan and Taiwan where they produce 77% to 13% more than in Korea. The rate of yield increase a year in Korea is 4.2 kg, but in Japan and Taiwan the rates of yield increase a year are 81 % and 62%, respectively. It was also found that the coefficient of variation of yield is 7.7% in Korea, 6.7% in Japan and 2.5% in Taiwan. This means that the stability of producing rice in Korea is very low when compared with those in Japan and Taiwan. 2. It was learned from the results obtained from the 'annual yield estimation experiment' that there are big differences in the respect of plant type formations between rice crops grown in Japan and Korea. The important differences found were as follows: (1) The numbers of spikelets per 3.3 square meters are 891 in Korea and 1, 007 in Japan(13% more than in Korea). (2) The numbers of tillers per 3.3 square meters at the stage of maximum tillering are 1, 150 in Korea, but in Japan they showed 19% more than in Korea. (3) The ratio of effective tillers to total tillers is 77.5% in Korea and 74.7% in Japan, which seems to be higher in Korea than in Japan. But the ratio in Korea is very low when considered the numbers of total tillers in both countries. (4) The ratio of grain to straw is 85.4% in Korea and 96.3% in Japan. 3. The average temperatures during the growing season at the area of Suwon, Kwangjoo and Taegu are almost same as those in the district of Jookokoo(Fookoo yama) in Japan, i.e., the temperatures during the rice-growing season in Korea are similar to those in the southern-warm regions of Japan. 4. Considering the minimum temperatures at the stage of limiting transplanting, 13$^{\circ}C$, the time of transplanting might be 30 to 40 days earlier than presently practicing transplanting time, which comes around June 10. 5. The temperatures during the vegetative growth in Korea were higher than those temperatures that needed in the protein synthesis which ate the main metabolism during this stage. However, the temperatures at the time of reproductive growth was lower than the temperatures that needed in the sugar assimilation which is main metabolism in this stage. In this point of view, it might be considered that the proper time of growing rice plant in Korea would be rather earlier. 6. The temperatures and the day light conditions at the time of first tillering stage of rice plant, when planted as presenting transplanting practices, are very satisfactory, but the poor day light length, high temperatures and too wet conditions in the time of last-tillering stage(mid or last July) might cause the occurrence of disease such as blast. 7. The heading stage of rice plants at each region through nations when planted as presently practicing method comes when the day light length is short. 8. It was shown that the accumulated average air-temperature at the time of maturing stage was not enough and the heading time was too late, when considered the annual deviations of mean temperatures and low minimum temperatures. 9. The nitrogen content of each plant part at the each growing stage was very high at the stage of vegetative growth when compared with the nitrogen content at the stage of reproductive growth after heading. In this respect it was believed to be important to prevent the nutrient shortages at the reproductive stages, especially after the heading. 10. The area of unsatisfactory irrigation paddy fields and natural rain-fed paddy fields are getting reduced in Korea. The correlation between the rate of reducing unsatisfactory irrigation and natural rain-fed paddy fields and the rate of yield increase were computed. The correlation coefficients(r) between the area of unsatisfactory irrigation paddy fields and yield increase were +0.525, and between the natural rain-fed paddy fields and yield increase, +0.832 and between the unsatisfactory irrigation plus natural rain-fed paddy fields and yield increase, +0.84. And there were. highly significant positive correlations between natural rain-fed paddy fields and yield increases indicating that the less the area of natural rain-fed paddy fields, the greater the yields per unit area. 11. The results obtained from the fertilizer experiments (yield performance trials) conducted in both Korea and Japan showed that the yield of non-fertilized plots per 10 are was 231 kg in Korea and 360 kg in Japan. On the basis of this it might be concluded that the fertility of soil in Korea is lower than that in Japan. Furthermore it was. also found that the yields of non-nitrogen applied plots per 10 are were 236 kg in Korea and 383 kg in Japan. This also indicates that the yields of rice in Korea are largely depending on the nitrogen content in the soil. 12. The followings were obtained when the chemical natures of soils in both Korea and Japan were compared. (1) The content of organic matter, total nitrogen, exchangeable calcium, and magnesium in Korea were no more than the half those in Japan. (2) The content of N/2 chloride and soluble silicate in low-land soil were on the average lower in Korea. (3) The exchange capacity of bases in Korea was no more than half that in Japan. 13. It was also observed by comparing the soil nature of the soil with high yielding capacity with the soil with low yielding capacity that the exchange capacity of bases, exchangeable calcium and magnesium, potassium, phosphorus, manganese, silicate and iron were low in the soil with low yielding capacity. 14. The depth of furrow slice was always deeper in the soil with high yielding capacity, and the depth of furrow slice in Korea was also shallower than that in Japan. 15. Summarizing the various conditions mentioned previously and considering the effects of silicate and trace elements such as manganese and iron besides three elements on the physiological and plant type formation of rice crops, more realistic and more ideal fertilizing practices were proposed. proposed.