• Monthly Duck's Village
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• s.246
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• pp.18-27
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• 2023

농촌은 심각한 소멸의 위기에 닥쳐 있으며, 이 위기상황에 대해 우리는 특별한 해결책이 없다. 여러 전문가들이 축산업이 농촌을 소멸의 위기에서 구해낼 수 있는 가장 현실적 대안이라 말하고 있다. 더불어민주당 이원택 의원실과 축산신문, 나눔축산운동본부, 축산관련단체협의회가 지난 12월 20일 국회의원회관 제7간담회실에서 '농촌소멸 대응과 축산업 발전전략'을 주제로 전문가 토론회를 열었다. 이날 발표된 주요 내용을 소개한다.

• Proceedings of the Korea Technology Innovation Society Conference
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• 2017.05a
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• pp.473-487
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• 2017

본 논문은 대한민국의 제19대 대통령 선거와 관련하여 각 후보들의 과학기술정책 공약이 과학자들의 여론을 반영하였는지 알아본다. 이를 위해서, 주요 정당(더불어민주당, 국민의당, 바른정당, 정의당)의 후보들이 과학 언론인 동아사이언스로부터 받은 과학기술정책 공약에 대한 문의에 대해 답변한 내용과 사단법인 과학자 단체인 '변화를 꿈꾸는 과학기술인 네트워크(ESC)'가 발간한 '2017 대선 과학기술지원정책 타운미팅 - 우리는 대통령 후보에게 무엇을 묻고 요구할 것인가'라는 자료집에 대해 답변한 내용을 중심으로 하였다. ESC의 해당 자료집은 ESC 소속 회원들이 주관한 타운미팅에서 참가자들이 소속 및 직위에 의한 제한 없이 반대 의견에 부딪히지 않고 자유롭게 의견을 개진함으로써 발간된 것이기 때문에, 과학기술계의 여론을 가감 없이 반영했다고 볼 수 있다. 분석을 해본 결과, 국민의당 안철수 후보의 과학기술정책 공약이 과학기술계 여론을 가장 많이 반영하였으나, 과학기술 일자리 확충 및 과학기술인재 등용과 관련해서는 더불어민주당 문재인 대통령이, 과학문화 정책과 관련해서는 바른정당 유승민 후보 및 정의당 심상정 후보가 과학기술계 여론을 잘 반영한 것으로 나타났기에, 문재인 대통령이 세부 정책별로 다른 후보의 공약을 참고할 필요가 있는 것으로 파악되었다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.5-40
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• 2021

In the 4.7 by-election in 2021, the ruling Democratic Party suffered a record devastating defeat, breaking the trend of a post-intermediate evaluation confirmed in the recent election. Why did the Democratic Party lose by a large margin unlike the recent election trend? In order to find answers to these questions, this study analyzes the voting behavior of individual voters based on the voter consciousness survey data conducted after the 4.7 by-election, while examining the background and causes of such voter choices. As a result of the study, in the 4.7 by-election, as confirmed in previous studies, public opinion against the ruling government was strong, and negative elections were held. However, if we look at the process and results of this by-election in more detail, we can see that it is different from the general by-election. In the past by-elections, the government judgement was due to the passive participation of the ruling party-oriented voters in elections with low political weight, or the active judgement psychology that was maximized in situations where the political burden was less. However, in this by-election, on the contrary, in an election with a high political weight, the active judgement psychology of the Democratic Party and non-partisan voters had an effect on strengthening the midterm evaluation character of the election. In addition, it can be seen that the gathering of conservative voters who support the opposition also had a strong influence on the reinforcement of the midterm evaluation character of the election.

• Monthly Duck's Village
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• s.236
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• pp.6-13
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• 2023

고병원성 AI 발생에 따른 일방적인 사육제한 등 정부의 각종 방역조치들로 인해 오리의 수급불균형이 반복되고 있는 상황이다. 이 같은 상황들이 오리고기의 생산량 및 오리농가들의 소득감소로 이어지며 오리산업의 후퇴를 초래하고 있다. 특히 오리농가들이 전남지역에 많이 분포돼 있는 만큼 더불어민주당 신정훈 의원(전남 나주·화순)은 이러한 오리농가들의 고충을 덜어내고자 지난 16일 국회의원회관 제8간담회실에서 '과학적인 방역을 위한 스마 트형 오리축사 전환 모색'을 주제로 토론회를 열었다. 신정훈 의원 주최, 한국오리협회·오리자조금관리위원회와 축산신문 공동 주관으로 개최돼 산·학·연 전문가들이 보다 근본적인 AI 방역 대책 마련을 위해 머리를 맞댄 이날 좌담회 내용을 지상중계한다.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.91-110
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• 2021

In the face of the prolonged Covid-19, this study conducted a network analysis to propose the policy direction for the Korean National Assembly to go forward. Using COVID-19 news articles, various types of networks were created and analyzed for the parliamentary activities of the Korean National Assembly related to Covid-19. Specifically, we utilize the co-occurrence and keyword information to generate two types of parliamentary networks: co-occurrence-based network and content-based network. In addition, a topic keyword-driven parliamentary network was constructed by using topic modeling. The results of the study are as follows. First, lawmakers in the ruling party had a wide range of topics regarding Covid-19, while lawmakers from other political parties had a limited number of issues covered. Next, a few representative legislators were identified as influential actors in most of the centrality indicators. Based on the research results, cooperation on diverse agendas related to Covid-19 should be promoted between lawmakers from various political parties. And representative legislators from both major parties should play a crucial role as intermediaries to increase communication between them.

• The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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• v.31 no.6
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• pp.825-833
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• 2018

We examined the relationship between the order of signs and the order of vote within parties in electing local district councilors during the 7th nationwide local election held on June 13th, 2018. We analyzed election data for respective cases that include two, three, four candidates within the same party. In most cases, the candidate with sign 'Ga' gained more than other candidates in the same party, showing a need for provisional measures. In addition, a difference in voting tendency was found between in-house voting and early outside voting when there were two candidates in the Democratic Party of Korea as well as for when there were two candidates in the Liberty Korea Party.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.31-70
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• 2017

On December 9, 2016, the decision of impeachment of the National Assembly decided against Park Geun-hye came from the nomination conflicts of the 20th general election between Pro-Park group and Anti-Park group at the ruling Saenuri Party. Therefore, this study focused on the nomination conflicts of the ruling party and the opposition party on the election results in the 20th general election on the public sentiment of the people. The nomination conflicts of the ruling and opposite parties were a prelude to the victory of the 19th presidential election, and it was serious faction conflict. Firstly, the study examined how the nomination conflicts of each party were centered on President Park Geun-hye as well as the leaders of each party and the chairman of the nomination committee. Secondly, the study examined what kind of changes would be made to the composition of presidential candidates for each party at the time of the presidential election. Thirdly, the study examined the opposition parties' separation between the Minjoo Party of Korea and the People's Party of Korea before and after the election and the issue of initiative in Honam. As a result of the analysis, the 20th general election failed to obtain a majority seat of the ruling Saenuri Party, and the opposition won and formed the majority. The reason why President Park and Saenuri were greatly defeated in the contest even in the situation where the opposition parties were divided is the root cause in the attitude of Pro-Park group and Anti-Park group who assumed their victory. Therefore, it is highly possible to render its responsibility to President Park Geun-hye, who has become a 'past power', and it has opened up the possibility that the emergence of future power by opposition parties. In the case of the opposition party, it is clear that the battle for Honam, which is a traditional opposition party's support group, is a matter of good fortune of the two major powers, Moon Jae In and Ahn Cheol Soo.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.37-83
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• 2020

This paper presents the results of 'The Survey on the 21^st National Assembly members' conducted by the Korean Association of Party Studies (KAPS) and the Hankyoreh following the 21^st Korean National Assembly Election. Since the 16^th Korean National Assembly Election, the KAPS has surveyed the candidates and/or the elected regarding their views on major policy issues and perceived self-ideology, which has contributed to our understanding of overtime changes in ideology of political parties in South Korea and their members. This year's survey includes 21 questions on the four major policy issue areas including foreign policy, economy, social issues and cultural issues as well as their perceived ideology. Among the 300 elected, 197 participated in the survey. The results suggest that the Justice Party is most liberal, the United Future Party is most conservative, and the Democratic Party is in the middle on average in terms of issue preference and perceived ideology. Compared to the preceding National Assembly, the partisan gap continues to appear salient in foreign policy, economy, and the cultural issues. In contrast, the gap narrows down in the social issues because the members of the Democratic Party embrace more conservative preference. It is noteworthy to examine whether this shift leads to cooperative decision making on social policies between liberal and conservative parties in the upcoming National Assembly. The composite policy preference index of individual assembly members, on the other hand, shows significant difference among members of different parties. Political parties in South Korea has evolved from a group of people from the same region into a group of people with distinctive policy preferences.

• Journal of Industrial Convergence
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• v.20 no.12
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• pp.135-143
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• 2022

This paper aims to grasp what propensity users have in their ideology from the comments in the Web Portal News and the Press Website News. Through these analytical results, the political propensities of not only the Web Portal News and the Press Website News but also the voters who use these news media could be grasped. The collection of data necessary for this study has been made from the comments of 174 news stories for about 90 days before the election day. For the analysis, T-test has been used in order to compare Naver News with Daum News, the Minjoo Party of Korea with the People Power Party, and the Press Web Site News with Naver News. As a result of the analysis, the comments of Naver News took the higher percentage in the positive writings about the candidates of the conservative party. but, in contrast, those of Daum News in that percentage were higher about the ones of the progressive party. Accordingly, it can be found that Naver News is mainly used by users with the politically conservative propensity, while Daum News is mostly used by those with progressive one.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.5-52
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• 2016

Several criticisms notwithstanding, the major political parties in South Korea seem to have developed relatively coherent 'collective identities' with regard to the unification question between South and North Korea. A comparative analysis in this paper reveals a certain pattern of convergence and divergence in unification policies among major parties. First, diachronically, the two major political parties in the history of South Korea, which I call for simplicity "conservative parties" and "democratic parties" respectively, have converged into allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea since President Park Chung-hee's proclamation of peaceful unification plan in 1970. The governments of conservative parties since then promoted allelosubjective relations between South and North Korea, which the governments of democratic parties succeeded and developed into a partial integration policy. Though the succeeding governments of conservative parties of Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye seem to have stepped back from the allelosubjective attitudes, seemingly they have not yet withdrawn to the monosubjective stance before 1970. Next, synchronically, an analysis of the platforms of major parties and their campaign promises in the 20th general election in 2016 reveals converging and diverging points in their unification policies. All the major parties show relatively allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea, with significant differences. "Saenuri Party," the current conservative party, maintains quite bit of monosubjective attitudes towards North Korea and requires unilateral changes of North Korea in the process of unification. "Justice Party," the minor progressive party, is the most allelosubjective in that it presupposes the co-existence and mutual survival of the two Koreas in unification. In between lie "The Minjoo Party of Korea" and "The People's Party", the two parties separated in the democratic party bloc.