• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.89-126
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• 2013

The Red shirts came to attract attention of the international community during April to May in 2010 by successfully organizing explosive popular demonstrations. The momentum was the military coup on September 9, 2006. The Red color was chosen amid movements against the new constitution instituted under the military junta. In discourse struggles, the Red shirts compared their resistance against the Democratic Party government lead by Abhisit Vejjajiva to that of phrai (commoner or serfs) against ammart (aristocrats or bureaucrats) under the pre-modern reign of sakdina. The Red shirts strongly accused Prem Tinsulanonda, the chief of the Privy Council, of being a mastermind of 2006 military coup, who symbolically represents the cohesion between the palace and the military. It has constituted an unprecedented defiance towards national taboo where the trinity of Nation, Religion, and King has been consecrated. The objective of this article is to review the Red Shirts' ideology, organizations and activities in terms of the modernized phrai's struggles for expanding counter-hegemony. While Antonio Gramsci focused on why socialist revolution had failed to materialize in capitalist Western Europe, I pay attention to why political liberalism has failed to wash away pre-modernity and take root in capitalist Thailand, applying the Gramscian concept of hegemony by contrasting 'hybrid ammart' with 'modernized phrai'.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.33-52
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• 2022

The History and Culture Park and the Lee Kun-hee Donation Hall will be built in Songhyeon-dong, Seoul. Political games from the Joseon Dynasty to the present greatly influenced the historicity of Songhyeon-dong. However, place analysis was limited to changes in landowners and land uses rather than a historical context. Therefore, this study analyzed the context in which the placeness of Songhyeon-dong changed according to the emergence of cultural hegemony using the perspective of modern cultural geography and comparative history. As a result of the analysis, cultural hegemony in historical transitions, such as Sinocentrism, maritime expansion, civil revolutions, imperialism, nationalism, popular art, and neoliberalism, was found to have created new intellectuals in Bukchon, including Songhyeon-dong, and influenced social systems and spatial policies. In this social relations, the placeness of Songhyeon-dong changed as follows. First, the founding forces of Joseon created pine forests as Bibo Forests to invocate the permanence of the dynasty. In the late Joseon dynasty, it was an era of maritime expansion, and as Joseon's yeonhaeng increased, a garden for the Gyeonghwasejok, who enjoyed the culture of the Qing dynasty, was built. Although pine forests and gardens disappeared due to the development of housing complexes as the population soared during the Japanese colonial era, Cha Gyeong's landscape aesthetics, which harmonized artificial gardens and external nature, are worth reinterpreting in modern times. Second, the wave of modernization created a new school in Bukchon and a boarding house in Songhyeon-dong owned by a pro-Japanese faction. Angukdongcheon-gil, next to Songhyeon-dong, was where thinkers who promoted civil revolution and national self-determination exchanged ideas. Songhyeon-dong, the largest boarding house, served as a residence for students to participate in the March 1st Movement and was the cradle of the resulting culture of student movements. The appearance of the old road is preserved, so it is a significant part of the regeneration of walking in the historic city center, connecting Gwanghwamun-Bukchon-Insadong -Donhwamunro. Third, from the cultural rule of the Government General of Joseon to the Military Government, Songhyeon-dong acted as a passage to western culture with the Joseon Siksan Bank's cultural housing and staff accommodations at the U.S. Embassy. Ancient and contemporary art coexisted in the surrounding area, so the modern and contemporary art market was formed. The Lee Kun-hee Donation Hall is expected to form a cultural belt for citizens with the gallery, Bukchon Hanok Village, the Craft Museum, and the Modern Museum of Art. Discourses and challenges are needed to recreate the place in harmony with the forests, gardens, the street of citizens' birth, history and culture park, the art museum, and the surrounding walking network.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.279-302
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• 2019

This paper introduces Youngju Ryu's Writers of the Winter Republic: Literature and Resistance in Park Chung Hee's Korea, and examines its significance and limitations. The book examines the relationship between literature and politics during the Park Chung-hee Yushin era, focusing on Yang Sŏng-u, Kim Chi-ha, Yi Mun-gu, Cho Se-hŭi, and Hwang Sok-yong. The books starts by describing the relationship between the U.S. hegemony and the Park Chung-hee regime during the Cold War. The book shows how poets like Yang and Kim fought against the Park Chung-hee regime based on poems, trial records and memoirs, while it describes novelists such as Yi's resistance by how novels envisioned a community against the Park administration based on the keyword "neighborhood." This is significant in that it describes how literature from the Park Chung-hee era was able to stand on the front lines against the regime. However, it is regrettable that because the book adopts a heroic tale to describe their lives and literature, these are illuminated in a somewhat flat way. Also it is noteworthy that the lives and works of novelists after the 2000s were illuminated, but Yang and Kim's life and literature were not described. Furthermore, it is regrettable that women writers were not mentioned and its concept of "politics" is rather shallow. Overall, this book is very significant in that it introduces the relationship between Korean literature and politics in the Korea of the 1970s with rich data and a beautiful style, as well as allowing Korean studies researchers to reflect on the future of Korean studies.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.29-72
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• 2017

This study explores the ways that newspapers report the administrations' policies of 'university reform' from February 2008 to December 2015 through critical discourse analysis. As results, Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo produce the discourse that the crisis of universities is so real and dangerous that it brings about the crisis of our nation, and that the current university systems should be changed into neoliberal systems because it is the critical reason of the crisis. Using various discursive strategies, they construct their reports as objective, real and embodying general goods and then successfully build the neoliberal discourse on university reform as commonsensical and natural. They finally acquire the discursive hegemony for university reform. Kyunghyang-shinmun and Hankyoreh-shinmun produce the anti-discourse against that of Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo. However, they can not develop substantial hegemony struggles for the discourse of university reform because of the limitations of their discourse in terms of quantity and quality and the social and press structures overwhelmingly inclined for neo-liberalism.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.33-48
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• 2012

Over the last decades, the issue of work or labor has played a critical role in prevailing discourses to represent the changed economic reality. Aesthetic labor, cultural work, network labor, team-work and alike, have played a dazzling role to represent the emerging economic order, employing the word of labor. Certainly, it is not less than a part of a wide range of shifts in order to make capital work with more effect by making up a workable and governable subject. In this article, I try to examine shifts around the media work which has contributed to expand the new discourse of 'labor.' I will say that it is quite crucial for accounting for the reality of media work to shed light on moves to represent media work, and, among others, one to transform the subjectivity involved in it among others. Furthermore, it would be necessary to take a close look at the subjectivity of media work and its modification to deal with and eliminate the precariousness of media work. Saying about media work without paying any attention to heterogenous and various practices to compose a media work, one is forced to regard media work as the matter of economic and legal interests. In addition, it would bring about that the cultural political concerns of media work will be detached from critical sight of the media cultural studies. Referring to major studies around media work in critical media studies, cultural studies and political economy of communication, this article will briefly look into the arrangement of contentions around subjectivity of media work in South Korea. And it will try to suggest what cultural-political strategy we need to investigate, fighting against the hegemonic power to generate and regulate media work and its workers in precarious conditions. It does not intend to search the media work and its complicated realities in detail in South Korea. I wish that it would make a preliminary step to propose and elaborate the critical analysis of media work and its form of subjectivities.