• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.42-55
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• 2011

The basic approach of this study was to take the theory of cultural fluctuations to investigate the early modern and modern patterns of the use of ox carts and@ the social and economic appropriateness and cultural significance of ox carts. The study chose a village that was the only place that used ox carts in Bugye-myeon. The findings will help to understand how traditional cultural elements would continue or change according to the natural, geographical, economical, and cultural characteristics of a village. Located in Gaho-2-ri, Bugye-myeon, Gunwi-gun, Gyeongbuk Province, Dongrim Village started to use ox carts during the Japanese rule and replaced the traditional version with an improved one in 1972 when a reservoir was built. Until the 1970s, they used ox carts to carry agricultural products and luggage and to visit the markets in distant Bugye-myeon or Gunwi-eup. In the early 1980s when a cultivator was first introduced into the village, ox carts gradually disappeared in the village and eventually remained as a mere means of transportation. As the younger generations were active in introducing modern means of transportation, a cultivator became the main means of transportation in the village in the 1980s and a truck since the latter half of the 1990s. Despite those changes, however, the elderly in their seventies or older continued to use ox carts. With aged labor and inability to use modern means of transportation, they grew cows and oxen to cultivate the inclined fields and gain easy access to fields distributed in distant locations and continued to ox carts through reform. In Dongrim Village, the heritage of using reformed ox carts is the practice of appropriate technology by the old farmers and a cultural representation of an aged agricultural society. That is, the elderly recognized the appropriateness and practicality of traditional culture and renewed a traditional means of transportation called an ox cart. The phenomenon of the old men and women frequently using ox carts in an agricultural village in the mountain with geographical limitations has settled down as a cultural representation of the elderly in Dongrim Village. The continuing usage of ox carts in Dongrim Village is attributed to the fact that ox carts well suit the natural, geographical, and economic aspects of the village and the cultural inertia of the elderly with the aging of the farmers. Thus it is once again shown that human beings transmit and alter culture according to their overall situations and conditions.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.37
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• pp.53-105
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to clarify the meaning of Gwonji (權智, Authority and Foreknowledge) through the phrases contained in the section, Gwonji of the Jeon-gyeong (known in English as The Canonical Scripture), and to compare the changes that each verse from Gwonji underwent by juxtaposing it against the sixth edition of Daesoon Jeong-gyeong (which was published prior to the Jeon-gyeong) to explore the term's literary meaning. In order to save the world, Sangje descended to human world and performed the Cheonjigongsa (Reordering Works of the Universe) for nine years with the power he exercises over the Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity. Based on the plan set by the Cheonjigongsa, Sangje's teachings were spread to humanity and provided as the basis for building the earthly paradise. From this perspective, this study demonstrates its significance by providing a comprehensive approach to the Jeon-gyeong by highlighting the subject of Sangje's authority and wisdom as recorded in the section titled Gwonji. There is also value in the variant verses from Gwonji that the study discovered by comparing and analyzing the phrases from chapters one and two of Gwonji as they appear in the Jeon-gyeong with their equivalents from the sixth edition of Daesoon Jeong-gyeong, which was published in 1965, nearly a decade before Daesoon Jinrihoe's publication of the Jeon-gyeong in 1974. The results of this comparative study of parallel passages related to Gwonji are as follows: First, Gwonji can be understood as the authority and wisdom of Sangje, and this is the core element in realizing the Earthly Paradise through His Cheonjigongsa. Second, phrases related to Sangje's authority and wisdom are spread out in the seven sections of the Jeon-gyeong, and they were written to emphasize the main purpose suggested in each section or chapter. Third, in sections other than Gwonji, the great power of Sangje is exercised to treat matters related to deities and social problems, whereas in Gwonji part, it is dedicated to the performance of Cheonjigongsa. Fourth, there are five sections of the Jeon-gyeong which are organized into chapters. All of these sections and their chapters indicate the year when key events transpired. Fifth, when passages from chapter one of Gwonji is compared to parallel passages from Daesoon Jeon-gyeong, there are several verses that vary in terms of their wording and also sentences that indicate a different dates or times for certain events.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.24-36
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• 2014

The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).