• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.38
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• pp.125-187
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• 2013

This essay would focus on a kinds of new archival strategy. The main frame has been the kinds of activities regulated by laws, or formal activities since 1999. In the case of presidential archives has no another frame. There had never kinds of presidential archives system until President Noh, if anything. It means that the frame has some important points. Although it is, we have to say about the limits of the frame. This essay show 'metaphor frame' for archival system. I think that we have to guess there are methodologies below the two frames. One is quantitative study methodology, and another is qualitative research methodology. The later focuses on the experiences for making narratives. We have to know that this methodology is out of fashioned in the field of history department and cultural anthropology department for the purpose of alternative studies. This essay says about 'archival field description' and 'narrative records' for the new records in archival field. I have to say about that we needs to discuss about kinds of new archival discours. And to conclude, we should manage the records in culture.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.265-291
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• 2021

This paper explores the academic topography of the discourses on the anthropocene to delve into how the humanities can insightfully respond to the ecological crisis of the Earth through the lens of environmental humanities proposed in a 2020 book, The Anthropocene and the Humanities: From Climate Changes to a New Age of Sustainability by a scientific philosopher, Carolyn Merchant. By publishing her latest book, The Anthropocene and the Humanities, Merchant, a pioneering scholar of ecofeminism, has recently started into inquiring into the discourses on the anthropocene, meaning a geological age led by anthropos/humans. In one of her most distinguished works of 1980, The Death of Nature: Women, Ecology, and the Scientific Revolution, Merchant has revealed that the modern Western perception of nature, often identified with women, have been figuratively killing nature as well as women. Arguing in The Anthropocene and the Humanities that the anthropocene has been enacting a "second death of nature," which has been practically and technially killing nature, Merchant calls for the insight of the environmental humanities that help us to build a "sustainable livelihood" based on the "partnership" between human and nonhuman nature. This paper contemplates on what humanities can do in the era of anthropocenic planetarian crisis with the environmental humanistic alternatives in ecofeminist perspective to overcome the anthropocenic crisis aggravated by the covid-19 occurred at the point when the climate change was viscerally felt by the humans in the twenty first century.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.295-314
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• 2010

The paper attempts to balance the discourses of transnational spaces that have focused on de-territorialization, by emphasizing that transnational spaces are maintained also through re-territorialization. Reviewing the literature of transnational social fields, translocality, multicultural spaces and transnational places, I aim to show the way the main issues from the literature help understand an actually existing transnational space, Little Mania in Daehangno, Seoul. I specifically address the dialectic relation between de-territorialization and re-territorialization, multi-scalar networks, and hybridity of multicultural spaces in interpreting the weekend enclave of Filipinos in Seoul. I argues that Little Manila is a grounded translocality operating through multi-scaled networks of various actors. Furthermore, it is not a unified space where one dominant Filipino identity stands out. Different Filipinos and Filipinas constitute the space imagining different homes. It is also a multicultural space open to other minorities, which suggests the possibility of alternative spatial politics based on co-presence of different 'Others'.

• School Mathematics
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.165-190
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• 2012

Recently, the Korean government develops a variety of policies for the improvement of school education. Among the policies, convergence education is considered as essential. Moreover, as the policies declare that mathematics is expected to play a central role in the convergence education, mathematics educators are required to seek for ways of how to approach convergence education in mathematics. In this context, this paper reviewed diverse viewpoints on what kind of contribution convergence education make to the improvement of school mathematics. While the argument constructed around the issue of national competitiveness is the most prevalent in the political discourse, this paper recommends to introduce the epistemological norms raised by the knowledge integration through history. In addition, this paper presents both domestic and international programs to discuss how to develop educational program for convergence education in mathematics.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.62
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• pp.5-29
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• 2013

This study criticizes the neoliberal dominance in social web popular culture from a feminist perspective. A key question is to identify the nature of the social web popular culture-is it the repercussion or recapturing of feminism in relation to the social context of the prevalence of popular cultural practices of neoliberalism and how to challenge against neoliberal ideology with the critical positioning of feminism? In dealing with these questions, four celebrities' twitter discourses are analysed. The emphasis of smartness in digital mediascape, neoliberal imperative to be competitive, autonomous, positive and affirmative, and desire and fantasy brought by postfeminist lifestyle industries are embedded in the present popular culture. The critical account of neoliberal postfeminism suggests the necessity of an critical feminism which brings about alternative values to the current neoliberal demand for the active subject and consumer freedom of choice as the standard of ideal women.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.6
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• pp.802-813
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• 2016

This study examined the Japanese and Chinese journalist's views on anti-Korean wave, who are the public and authoritative discourse producers in Japan and China, respectively. In so doing, the study aims to understand the ways in which the phenomena of anti-Korean wave take place and are diffused. According to the findings, anti-Korean wave in north-east Asia is affected by anti-Korea sentiments that have been induced from historical and political relations as well as cultural conflicts. In specific, the anti-Korea sentiments found in both Japan and China are geopolitical particularity and historical relations function to frame their cultural receptions of Korean pop culture. In other words, the phenomena of anti-Korean wave in both countries do not stem directly from local audiences' either discontents or apathy on Korean pop contents. However, while Japanese anti-Korean wave seems to be mere expressions of anti-Korea sentiments, Chinese sentiments of anti-Korean wave are triggered and transferred by, or articulated with their anti-Korea sentiments.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.51
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• pp.136-155
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• 2010

Media diversity, coupled with the logic of competition in the global media market, has become a fashionable yet unfitting lingo of media policy in Korea. Media diversity has been fenced in the neoliberal economic logic of market competition and so tamed to consumers' free choice in the market. It is within this context that this article attempts to problematize narrowly-defined, market-oriented, and measurement-obssessed funtionalistic approaches to media diversity. In doing so, the article provides a critical overview of various definitions of media diversity. It also reveals how certain definitions, justifications, and measurements are legitimized and normalized in the name of science and objectivity. The core argument is that reflecting a larger neoliberal, deregulatory turn in media policy, media diversity has shifted from the pluralistic principle of democracy to the matter of free market choice or the myth thereof. It then focuses on the ongoing debate between state interventionists and free market liberals over the relationship between media ownership concentration and content diversity. Finally, it puts forth some recommendations as to how media diversity ought to be reconsidered as reformers' cultural politics, rather than marketeers' science, and discusses implications diversity has for deepening Korean democracy.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.45-67
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• 2015

This essay aims to search for the reason of why, even after Fukushima nuclear disaster, Korean citizens did not try to seek out the possibility of another energy option. Firstly, we single two counter-concepts, the configuration of risk communication and scientific citizenship, out from the measure of frequency of co-occurrence key-terms and the analysis of survey on the citizens' scientific perception each. Secondly, we try to interpret the meaning of qualitative data, and finally, we draw out the result as follow. Korean government have driven out the pro-nuclear policy, and in this course have made full use of the discourse of there-is-no-alternative-option. We need to take an attention to the reason of why the discourse can circulate freely in society. From one data, we find out that the configuration of risk communication guarantee government's success. But we also should look at the another side, the scientific citizenship. From another data, we find out that the upstream scientific citizenship, the momentum of preparing alternative, has not been mature, and it is reason of why the discourse have an strong influence.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.226-239
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• 2020

The study seeks to present ways to form and express political opinions while monitoring, regulating and critically accepting the production and distribution of false information and platforms, which are spread channels, through the participation of citizens. First, it logically identified the unfairness of legal regulations on false information. In other words, it is often practically impossible to judge whether false information is false or not, and even false information can sometimes fall within the category of freedom of expression protection. It also revealed that voluntary regulation by platform operators was limited. As an alternative, it was theoretically clear whether civil society should participate in the maintenance and development of democratic public debate sites and create social discourse. The specific method is to find and classify false information and share it with citizens to raise awareness. Second, it forms an autonomous cooperative system with platform operators and others. Third, develop critical media capacity of citizens. Fourth, it responds to producers and platform operators of false information while engaging in community activities as a direct practitioner.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.46
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• pp.37-74
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• 2009

This research is an attempt to investigate cultural identity at the international level. Asia is one of the weakest communities in the world due to discrepancies in terms of political, economic, social and cultural aspects. Additionally, Asia has never been independent in communication flows since imperialist history until the Korean wave emerged at the turn of this century. The Korean wave reflects complex power embedded in postcolonial world in addition to cultural commonality among Asian audiences. I have conducted audience researches on Korean drama fandom in Japan and China. I adopt Lacanian psychoanalysis in order to interpret identity issues of Asian media audiences. Particularly, Deleuze and Guattari's theories are useful to scrutinize group identity of Asian community. Additionally, I refer to theories of nationalism.