• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.251-292
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• 2009

In this thesis, the status of Pre-Chin Study of One Hundred Schools in the history of Korean thoughts, and in addition, the reception of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's ideology and the aspect of its development in Korea were examined. Moreover, the different understandings of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu and their trend of the times were summarized through the intellectuals' collection of works from the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty to 18-19 century. What was revealed through the study can be summed up as the followings. From the age of Three States to the middle part of Goryeo Dynasty, few intellectuals regarded other schools or philosophers among Study of One Hundred Schools as heresies and blamed them. However, since Mencius had been established as the legitimate classical scripture of Confucianism after the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty, other Pre-Chin philosophers including $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu had started to be regarded and criticized as heresies. Intellectuals of Goryeo Dynasty and the early Cho Sun Dynasty made various estimates on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's doctrine of the evilness of human nature, but we can see the understanding of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became deeper. In the heyday of Neo-Confucianism in Cho Sun Dynasty, the intensity of the criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu by intellectuals rather tended to decrease, compared to that of the early Cho Sun Dynasty, which produced contrary evidence that the world view of Sung Confucianism, based on Mencius' doctrine of the goodness of human nature, had been already established. Also, even the intellectuals criticizing the evilness of human nature positively quoted $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's other ideas in general. In 17th century, there were some arguments to conclude $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu as Legalism, but the general trend came to accept Study of One Hundred Schools constructively, challenging the authority of Sung Confucianism, or based on positive school. In 18th century, it can be confirmed that the understanding on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became broader, and particularly in the historical research of letters, $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's original texts and annotations were used in many ways. In short, the intellectuals' criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu in Cho Sun Dynasty was always grounded on his argument of the evilness of human nature, and furthermore, on connecting it to Legalism, related to the Fenshukengru. On the other hand, it can be said that they generally accepted other ideas of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu positively, except for the idea of the evilness of human nature. However, it's worth paying attention to the fact that those intellectuals who criticized $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu could easily meet with the books of Study of One Hundred Schools, and relatively had an open attitude in terms of knowledge.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.9-38
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• 2018

Joseon Neo-Confucianism had important disputes throughout its hundred years of history. Starting in mid-16th century, Four-Seven Dispute focused on 'Qing (情, emotion)' while Horak Dispute that emerged in early 18th century put emphasis on whether people and things have the same 'Xing (性, nature).' These two disputes lasted until late Joseon. In that process, their issues were clearly recognized and consequently, characteristics of Joseon Neo-Confucianism were well demonstrated. With Western power surging in since mid-18th century, Joseon Neo-Confucianism should develop logic to cope with the Western power. One of responding logics was Zhulilun (主理論, theory of reason) in Neo-Confucianism. Diverse discussions particularly on 'Xin (心, mind)' were expansively made. From the notion of Xin Tong Xing Qing (心統性情) that Xin converges with Xing and Qing, an argument that Xin should be seen as 'Li (理, reason)' and another that Xin is basically 'Qi (氣, force of nature)' were up against each other. The academia heated up with issues raised such as whether Xin and Mingde (明德, bright virtue) are the same notion and whether Mingde should be seen as 'Li' or 'Qi', etc. Defining morality dispute in the late Joseon along with Four-Seven Dispute and Horak Dispute as 'three major disputes in Joseon Neo-Confucianism,' this paper focuses on clarifying their status, actuality and significance. Morality dispute was not only a theoretical dispute. It has significance in the aspect of 'topicality.' It directly and indirectly affected movements against Western and Japanese power, loyal troop's activities and independence movement as well. Compared to Four-Seven Dispute and Horak Dispute, morality dispute is more complex and expansive. In addition, it requires systematic organization of data. Intercomparison of three major disputes is one of key topics to determine characteristics of Joseon Neo-Confucianism.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.1
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• pp.55-64
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• 2022

This study aims to shed light on the cultural history of Hajodae(河趙臺) enjoyed by writers of the Joseon Dynasty by analyzing the origin and the contents of the landscape based on the literature materials of Hajodae in Yangyang(襄陽). The results of the study are as follows. First, Hajodae is a space that is said to have been visited by Ha Ryun(河崙) and Jo Jun(趙浚). However, since this story has not been confirmed in the literature, various opinions coexisted in history. Jo Wi-Han(趙緯韓) quoted the opinions of aged people who lived in Yangyang, saying that it could be Jo In-Byeok(趙仁壁), not Jo Jun(趙浚), and Jo Deok-Rin(趙德鄰) recorded it as "遐眺臺", which means "a stand for a distance view." There is a need to clearly present the origin of Hajodae by revealing the literary authority. Second, Hajodae was talked about as the best scenic site in Gwandong(關東) in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. during the mid-Joseon Dynasty. The writers of the time mentioned Hajodae as one of the best scenic sites in Gwandong, which soon became a symbol of Yangyang. These records of Hajodae show a relatively decreasing trend entering the late Joseon Dynasty. It is believed to be the result of the slight degrading in the status of Hajodae as the Eight Views of Gwandong were established and Naksansa Temple(洛山寺) gained fame. Third, the writers of Joseon enjoyed the scenic sites through various landscapes of Hajodae. The open terrain on three sides allowed a sea view and provided an opportunity to develop a great spirit or to reflect on oneself. On the other hand, the strange rock formations and cliffs, which correspond to a close-up view, drew the attention of tourists, and the Rosa rugosa Thunb. blooming in the Hajodae area was enough to show a bizarre charm. This shows the various charms of Hajodae, suggesting that the management of such landscape is necessary. Fourth, a Chinese poem about Hajodae shows the spatial meaning of Hajodae. Looking into all sides of the Chinese poem about Hajodae, a case of unburdening one's mind on the landscape, and the aspect a person compared oneself to the natural landscape or projected one's consciousness onto it, and a case of recalling Ha Ryun and Jo Jun, illustrious retainers in the early Joseon Dynasty are confirmed. It can be seen that it results in the aspect of expressing one's impressions and looking back on history through the landscape.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.3
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• pp.10-19
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• 2022

In this study, historical and cultural landscapes were reviewed focusing on Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju, Gyeongsangnam-do, and the scenic value was examined through this. First, Mangjinsan Mountain was noted in history, as Ansan(案山, a mountain on the opposite side of a housing/grave site) in Jinju, where Bongsu(烽燧, the beacon fire station) is located. Information on Mangjinsan Mountain was gradually doubled due to its status, and the beacon fire station of Mangjinsan Mountain was in charge of defending the Jinju area. Mangjinsan Mountain was described as a symbolic landscape of Jinju. Regarding the etymology of Mangjinsan Mountain, Sung Yeo-Sin(成汝信) analyzed the geography of Jinju and suggested that it was a place name originating from the phoenix. However, looking at various records, it is confirmed that the name of Mangjinsan Mountain is maintained uniformly, but the inscription is not unified. Second, Mangjinsan Mountain became one of the major stage for the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, and in 1597. It is confirmed to be a place which has joys and sorrows, for that it provided an opportunity to win the Siege of Jinju in 1592, but many casualties occurred in 1597. On the other hand, in the area of Mangjinsan Mountain Byeolseo(別墅), temples, and administrative facilities were located to establish cultural history of the time, and in the 19th century, Manggyeongdae Pavilion was built due to the scenic value of viewing Jinju Castle. These are examples of testimony how Mangjinsan Mountain has an important meaning in Jinju's history and culture. Third, in the late Joseon Dynasty, a poem reciting Mangjinsan Mountain appears, which shows that the Mountain has established itself as a scenic site in Jinju. The description of Mangjinsan Mountain is confirmed in the literature that lists the scenic sites of Jinju. On the other hand, writers who lived in Jinju paid attention to the beacon fire station, singing about the peaceful world without war and looking back the history. In the 19th century, Jeonbyeolyeon(a farewell party) was held, which seems to be the result of the beauty of viewing Jinju and overviewing the area. Through the facts, the symbolism and scenic value of Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju were confirmed.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.349-392
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• 2019

In the 1960s of Korea, the normalization of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan led to a sense of a vigorous anxiety and fear that "Japan will once again come to the Korean peninsula". As a reaction to this, the discourse on the criticism of 'Japanese Style' strongly emerged. If the prior discourse of criticism was to express the national antipathy toward the colonial remnants that had not yet been disposed of, the critical discourse of the 1960s was the wariness of the newly created 'Japanese Style' in popular culture, and to grasp it as a symptomatic phenomenon that 'evil-minded Japan' was revealed. Thus, this new logic of criticism of the 'Japanese Style' had a qualitative difference from the existing ones. It was accompanied by a willingness to inspect and censor the 'masses' that grew up as consumers of transnational 'mass culture' that flowed and chained in the geopolitical order under the Cold War system. Therefore, the topology of 'popular things=Japanese things=consuming things' reveals the paradox of moral demands that existed within Korean society in the 1960s. This was to solidify the divisive circulation structure that caused them to avoid direct contact with the other called 'Japan', but at the same time, get as close to it as ever. It is a repetitive obsession that pushes the other to another side through the moral segregation that strictly draws a line of demarcation between oneself and the other, but on the other hand is attracted to the object and pulls it back to its side. This paper intends to listen to the different voices that have arisen in the repetitive obsession to understand the significance of the dissonance that has been repeated in the contemporary era. This will be an examination of the paradoxical object of Japan that has been repeatedly asked to build the internal control principle of Korean society, or to hide the oppressive and violent side of the power, and that can neither be accepted nor destroyed completely as part of oneself.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.64-78
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• 2023

This article examines the background and meaning of the construction of Josadang Hall in Buseoksa Temple, Yeongju, by Seolsan Cheonhee(1307~1382) in the late 14th century through the characteristics of the hall's mural. Six guardian deities(the Four Heavenly Kings in the center, Indra and Brahma on each side of the kings) are depicted on the southern wall(location of the entrance) of the Josadang, facing the statue of the great monk Uisang(625~702 AD) on the north wall. This mural is the oldest among Korean temple murals and exhibits very unique characteristics. In general, scenes from the scriptures are depicted on the back wall of the central statue. In contrast, the Josadang mural depicts only the guardian deities facing the main statue with no scene description. The appearance of the deities, who seem to protect the main statue of the monk Uisang, and their expressions, as if drawn from relief statues, are not seen in other murals. Nevertheless, it is similar to the stupas of the Seon(Ch. Chan 禪) sect monks established from the late Silla(57 BC~935 AD) through early Goryeo(918~1392 AD), with guardian deities on their surface. The iconography of the deities is a classic form of the late Silla to early Goryeo. The fact that the Josadang was built to commemorate Uisang, who founded the Korean Hwaeom sect(Ch. Huayan sect, 華嚴宗), and that guardians were placed to protect Uisang's statue reveals the concept of worship for the monk who founded the sect. As a result, the reason Cheonhee built the hall can also be understood as an extension of the ideology behind the construction of the stupas of the Seon sect monks. The problem, however, is that Cheonhee is a monk of the Hwaeom sect, and Buseoksa is a representative temple of the Hwaeom sect, not the Seon sect. Therefore, to better understand the background of the hall's construction, this article examined the situation of Goryeo Buddhism in the 14th century as well as the activities of Seolsan Cheonhee. Since Ganhwa Seon(Ch. Kanhua Chan, 看話禪) was dominant in the 14th century, Cheonhee went to study in the Yuan Dynasty(1271~1368 AD) at the age of 58 and was approved by Chinese Ganhwaseon monks before taking the position of Guksa(國師 national monk). However, he was eventually pushed to Buseoksa Temple, where he worked hard to rebuild it. Cheonhee most likely sought to expand the Hwaeom sect, which had been shrinking compared to the Seon sect, by enhancing power with the reconstruction of Buseoksa. The desire that the Hwaeom sect, which was losing its power due to the rise of the Seon sect in the 14th century, attempted to develop it by building Josadang hall, is well revealed by the Josadang murals.

• The Journal of Korean Society for Radiation Therapy
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.137-147
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• 2014

Purpose : The purpose of this study is to verify the accuracy of dose delivery according to the patient's breathing cycle in Gated Volumetric Modulated Arc Therapy Materials and Methods : TrueBeam STxTM(Varian Medical System, Palo Alto, CA) was used in this experiment. The Computed tomography(CT) images that were acquired with RANDO Phantom(Alderson Research Laboratories Inc. Stamford. CT, USA), using Computerized treatment planning system(Eclipse 10.0, Varian, USA), were used to create VMAT plans using 10MV FFF with 1500 cGy/fx (case 1, 2, 3) and 220 cGy/fx(case 4, 5, 6) of doserate of 1200 MU/min. The regular respiratory period of 1.5, 2.5, 3.5 and 4.5 sec and the patients respiratory period of 2.2 and 3.5 sec were reproduced with the $QUASAR^{TM}$ Respiratory Motion Phantom(Modus Medical Devices Inc), and it was set up to deliver radiation at the phase mode between the ranges of 30 to 70%. The results were measured at respective respiratory conditions by a 2-Dimensional ion chamber array detector(I'mRT Matrixx, IBA Dosimetry, Germany) and a MultiCube Phantom(IBA Dosimetry, Germany), and the Gamma pass rate(3 mm, 3%) were compared by the IMRT analysis program(OmniPro I'mRT system software Version 1.7b, IBA Dosimetry, Germany) Results : The gamma pass rates of Case 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6 were the results of 100.0, 97.6, 98.1, 96.3, 93.0, 94.8% at a regular respiratory period of 1.5 sec and 98.8, 99.5, 97.5, 99.5, 98.3, 99.6% at 2.5 sec, 99.6, 96.6, 97.5, 99.2, 97.8, 99.1% at 3.5 sec and 99.4, 96.3, 97.2, 99.0, 98.0, 99.3% at 4.5 sec, respectively. When a patient's respiration was reproduced, 97.7, 95.4, 96.2, 98.9, 96.2, 98.4% at average respiratory period of 2.2 sec, and 97.3, 97.5, 96.8, 100.0, 99.3, 99.8% at 3.5 sec, respectively. Conclusion : The experiment showed clinically reliable results of a Gamma pass rate of 95% or more when 2.5 sec or more of a regular breathing period and the patient's breathing were reproduced. While it showed the results of 93.0% and 94.8% at a regular breathing period of 1.5 sec of Case 5 and 6, it could be confirmed that the accurate dose delivery could be possible on the most respiratory conditions because based on the results of 100 patients's respiratory period analysis as no one sustained a respiration of 1.5 sec. But, pretreatment dose verification should be precede because we can't exclude the possibility of error occurrence due to extremely short respiratory period, also a training at the simulation and careful monitoring are necessary for a patient to maintain stable breathing. Consequently, more reliable and accurate treatments can be administered.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.