• Title/Summary/Keyword: 냉전

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Cold War Liberalism in Postwar Japan: An Interpretation of Maruyama Masao's Realistic Liberalism (냉전과 일본의 자유주의- 마루야마 마사오의 냉전자유주의와 리얼리즘)

  • Jang, In-Seong
    • 동북아역사논총
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    • no.59
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    • pp.150-186
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    • 2018
  • This paper explains what Japanese progressive liberalism was in postwar Japan by clarifying Maruyama Masao's "Cold War Liberalism," focusing especially on his realism and nationalism searching for "democracy" and "peace" in the context of the early Cold War Japan. Maruyama's Cold War liberalism can be grasped from two perspectives: how the Cold War defined his liberalism and how Maruyama interpreted the Cold War as a liberalist in postwar Japan. The liberal interpretation of the Cold War captures the spatial manifestations of liberalism in the Cold War while Cold War liberalism was to grasp the temporal succession of modern Japan. Maruyama revealed his liberal thinking by combining it to his idea of nationalism and realism. He was concerned about the reshaping of the fascist atmosphere provoked by anti-communism emerging from 186 | 동북아역사논총 59호the Cold War confrontation structure. He sought "neutrality" and "peace" to overcome the so-called "two worlds" of the Cold War. And he stressed the importance of "fair judgment" and "autonomous association" to restrain the fascistic atmosphere in postwar Japan. For Maruyama, subjectivity aimed at the concept of "nation" rather than "citizen," and nationalism was a condition for "democracy" and "peace" in postwar Japan. Maruyama's critical liberalism worked through nationalism and realism.

A Critical Essay on 'new cold war' Discourses: The Political Consequences of the 'cold peace' ('신냉전(new cold war)' 담론에 관한 비판적 소론: '차가운 평화(cold peace)'의 정치적 결과)

  • Jun-Kee BAEK
    • Analyses & Alternatives
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    • v.7 no.3
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    • pp.27-59
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    • 2023
  • This study aims to serve as a critical comparison of the currently controversial 'new cold war' discourse. It took three triggers for the 'new cold war' discourse to emerge as a major issue in the media and academia and to have real political impact. With the launch of China's 'Belt and Road' project and Russia's annexation of Crimea leading to the 'Ukraine crisis,' the 'new cold war' discourse has begun to take shape. Trump's U.S.-China trade spat has brought the 'new cold war' debate to the forefront. The 'new cold war' debate is currently being intensified by the Biden administration's framing of "democracy versus authoritarianism" and Putin's invasion of Ukraine. Currently, there is no consensus among scholars on whether the controversial 'new cold war' is a new version, or a continuation of the historically defined concept of the Cold War. The term 'New Cold War' is less of an analytical concept and more of a topical term that has yet to achieve analytical status, let alone a theoretical validation and systematization, and the related debate remains at the level of assertion or discourse. Through this comparative analysis, I will argue that the ongoing discourse of the 'New Cold War' does not have the instrumental explanatory power to analyze the transitional phenomena of the world order today.

Study on China's Changing Economic Policy toward Africa: focusing on the Cold War and Post-Cold War Comparison (중국의 대(對) 아프리카 경제정책 변화: 냉전과 탈냉전의 비교를 중심으로)

  • Kim, Dong Hwan;Oh, Byung Seok
    • International Area Studies Review
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    • v.14 no.2
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    • pp.297-323
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    • 2010
  • The distinguished feature of the economic relationship between China and Africa during the cold war is the one that there was economic point of view at all even though such a huge trade between the two countries. It was caused by purely ideological and political purpose of China. because of the giant stream of time which is called as 'the cold war', it has been replaced with other conceptions: 'aid' or 'support.' Since the end of the cold war, however, the relationship between China and Africa has been showing noticeable features; political and ideological purposes are getting less meaningful or excluded completely. In 1990, China was based on the pragmatism, which is a rigorous sense of economy, and Africa was getting popular as an emerging market, which is not only performing as a stable energy supplier but also making trade and direct investment is possible. Also, it has implications for Korea that seriously considers putting more efforts into expanding its influence on all over the trade relations which includes investment and import-export in the emerging market: Africa.

Analysis of Tendency and Characteristics in Armed Conflict in Post-Cold War Era: on the basis of UCDP (탈냉전 후 무력갈등의 추세와 특징에 관한 분석: UCDP 자료를 중심으로)

  • LEE, CHULKI
    • International Area Studies Review
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    • v.18 no.3
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    • pp.269-291
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    • 2014
  • The purpose of this article is to analyze the tendency and characteristics in armed conflict in post-Cold War era on the basis of Uppsala conflict data program(UCDP) datasets. The collapse of bipolarity and the end of cold War proved a watershed in the dynamics of international conflict. The major shift in the nature of conflict has been away from interstate conflict, leaving intrastate conflict. Major powers have acted carefully against each other and been willing to understand the interests of other to avoid military confrontation and crash. As the means of termination for armed conflict, there is a stronger emphasis on the peace settlement like peace agreement and ceasefire agreement than military victory. Many intrastate conflicts become internationalized, through the involvement of diaspora communities, or regionalized through a spillover effect into neighboring countries. Since the end of the Cold War, the UN has taken a much more active role in conflict management and conflict resolution.

탈 냉전기 중국의 해군 전략

  • Lee, Hong-Pyo
    • Defense and Technology
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    • no.9 s.235
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    • pp.44-53
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    • 1998
  • 중국은 냉전의 종식 이후 이전에 지역 내에서 미소간의 대립을 중심으로 형성되어 있었던 세력균형이 점차 다원화되고 있음에 따라, 지역 내의 강국이 되고자 하는 목표를 가지고 있기 때문에 인접국가와 분쟁에 처하게 될 가능성은 매우 커 보인다. 이러한 점에서 중국의 해군력 강화는 향후 동아시아 지역의 안보환경과 관련하여 불확실성과 불안정성을 가중시키는 중요한 요인으로 작용할 것이다. 따라서 지역 내의 군비 경쟁을 촉진시키는 요인으로 작용할 것이다.

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21세기 국방과학기술의 발전방안

  • Yu, Jung-Seok
    • Defense and Technology
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    • no.3 s.241
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    • pp.52-59
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    • 1999
  • "제2차 세계대전과 그 이후 냉전 기간 중 미국을 비롯한 선진국들은 국가안보를 국가의 최우선 목표로 삼았기 때문에 과학기술정책의 초점은 우선적으로 군사목적에 맞추어졌다. 하지만 냉전종식과 더불어 선진 강대국들은 국방비 규모를 축소하면서도 연구개발비는 증액하고 민.군 겸용기술화를 시도하는 등 국가과학기술과 산업경쟁력 제고를 통한 실리위주의 정책을 펴고 있다"

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냉전체제 이후 아시아의 군비통제와 방위

  • Quester George H.
    • Defense and Technology
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    • no.1 s.179
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    • pp.22-37
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    • 1994
  • 이글은 Maryland대학의 George H. Quester 교수가 제7회 화랑대 국제학술 심포지엄에서 발표한 기조연설 내용이다. 세계의 군사적 동향, 특히 탈 냉전이후 아시아 지역의 국지분쟁 가능성 증대에 따른 각 국의 군비경쟁을 객관적 시각에서 심도있게 다뤄 주목을 받았다.

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통일후 독일 시설원예의 변화양상

  • ;B. Geyer
    • Proceedings of the Korean Society for Bio-Environment Control Conference
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    • 1995.04a
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    • pp.16-22
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    • 1995
  • 동서간의 냉전 속에도 유럽에서 경제적으로 가장 강력한 국가였던 서독이 분단된 채 45년을 넘기기 바로 직전인 1989년 동독을 흡수 통합함으로써 이제 지구상에는 오직 우리나라만 냉전의 부산물로 남복이 각각 나뉘어져 통일의 염원을 불태우고 있다. 그러나 지금까지의 상황으로 남북통일은 어려운 것같이 보이나 독일과 같이 어느 날 갑자기 통일이 이루어 질 수 있음을 감안하여 통일에 대비해서 우리 원예분야도 냉정한 준비가 필요하다고 본다. (중략)

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