• Proceedings of the Korean Nuclear Society Conference
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• 1996.05d
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• pp.75-81
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• 1996

최근 포괄적 핵확산금지조약(CTBT)의 협정은 핵활동 감시의 목적으로 핵실험으로 인하여 발생되는 지진, 대기 방사성 핵종, 수중음향 그리고 초저음파 등을 종합운영하는 감시 시스템의 구축에 초점을 두고 있다. 1995년에 개최된 제네바군축회담/핵실험금지 특별위원회(CD/NTB/WP.224)에서 방사능 감시 전문가들은 대기중의 방사성 핵종의 검출, 핵실험 여부의 식별 그리고 핵실험 장소의 위치를 확인하기 위하여 국제 방사핵종 측정시스템(IRMS)을 설치할 것에 동의하였으며, 방사성 핵종의 검출은 핵실험 감시에 필수적인 수단으로 결정하였다. 본 연구에서는 대기중의 입자 방사능을 검출 시스템을 대기중의 공기를 흡입하기 위한 High Volume Air Sampler(HVAS)와 대기중의 방사능을 채집한 Filter Paper을 압축하는 Filter Paper 압축기 그리고 HpGe 검출시스템의 3 부분으로 구성하였다. HVAS와 Filter Paper 압축기는 본 연구의 수행을 위하여 자체 설계·제작하였으면, HpGe 검출시스템은 ORTEC사의 모델 CFG-PH-2를 사용하였다. HVAS에 의하여 Filter Paper애 채집된 시료를 측정하여 Raw Data를 분석하였다. 추후 본 시스템은 CTBT 원거리 대기 입자방사능 감시시스템의 네트워크에 연결하여 핵실험 감시를 위한 역할을 궁극적으로 검토중에 있다.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.15 no.6_1
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• pp.79-92
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• 2015

It is required to expand area of inter-Korean economic cooperation, being limited to non-military field, to military field and then, to positively promote arms control in order to establish foundation for peaceful reunification in Korean peninsula. Reasons why arms control has not been promoted between South and North Korea in the meantime were such original factors as follows; (1) limit of confidence building between the South and the North, (2) functional limit of arms control itself, (3) institutional structural limit between the South and the North, (4) environmental limit at home and abroad. It is necessary to get out from existing frame and to seek a new paradigm in order to overcome above factors and to realize arms control between the South and the North. First, it is required to have prior political dialog at the South-North high-level talks in order to promote arms control and to exercise 'strategic flexibility' during negotiation and promotion process. For this, 'flexible reciprocity' has to be adopted in compliance with situation and conditions. Second, it is necessary to get out from existing principle of 'confidence building in advance and arms reduction later' but to seek the 'simultaneous driving principle of confidence building and arms reduction' as an eclectic approach. Namely, based on reasonable sufficiency, it is required to promote military confidence building and limited arms reduction in parallel, which is a lower level of arms control. Third, as an advisory body of Prime Minister's Office, it is necessary to install an organization exclusively responsible for arms control and to positively handle arms control issue from the standpoint of national policy strategy. If the South-North high-level talks take place, it is necessary to organize and operate 'South-North Joint Arms Control Promotion Board (tentative name)'. Fourth, it is required to exercise more active diplomatic competence in order to create national consensus on necessity of arms control for peaceful reunification and to form more favorable international environment. Especially, it is necessary to think about how to solve nuclear issue of North Korea together in collaboration with international society and how to maintain balance between ROK-US alliance and Sino-Korean cooperation relations.

• Maritime Security
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.1-30
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• 2020

The study started with the question, "Is Japan's normalization of nationalization a return to militarism?" Therefore, in order to analyze this, the characteristics of the international system after the inauguration of the Japanese Empire during World War I and World War II and the Abe's 2nd Cabinet in contemporary Japan were compared. Through this, there were some differences in the characteristics of the international system of the two periods, and as a result, it was intended to derive the differences between the two examples. During the prewar period of World War I, the militaristic Japanese Empire suffered great damage from the national pride of being the only power in Asia through the Paris Enhancement Conference, the Washington Navy Treaty, and the London Navy Treaty. However, the Western powers with colonies in Asia still existed in the region, so it was not possible to turn them into immediate power expansion. Meanwhile, World War II broke out in Europe. As a result, the Western powers had to focus on the whole of Europe, and the militaristic Japanese empire became a regional hegemony without missing the international system characteristic of "the hegemony." Unlike in the past militarism, Japan's case of pursuing common nationalization since 2012 has been carried out in the order of Northeast Asia in the composition of the "cold war" new cold war. In particular, Japan is attempting to transform itself into a normal state to strengthen the US-Japan alliance on a self-reliant level due to the lack of quantitative military power compared to the neighboring countries.

• Proceedings of the KAIS Fall Conference
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• 2005.05a
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• pp.111-114
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• 2005

현재 휴대폰은 대중화되고 있으며, 로봇기술 또한 각광 받고 있다. 그래서 우리는 로봇기술과 휴대폰 기술을 접목한 RCP(Robotic Cellular Phone)를 구현하려 한다. RCP를 구성하기 위해서 휴대폰의 움직임을 구현, 외부환경 및 RCP 자신의 상태인식 기능 그리고 사용자의 감성을 유발할 수 있는 감성유발엔진 및 감성평가모델의 군축이 필요하다. 본 연구에서는 감성평가모델의 개발을 위하여 음악과 진동 자극을 주어 생체신호 HRV와 GSR을 측정하여 정량적인 데이터를 수집, 특정감성을 평가하였다. 감성을 평가함에 있어서 개인의 차이가 발생하기 때문에 개개인의 표준화 (Normalize)가 필요하게 되었다. 표준화를 위하여 IAPS영상을 활용한 결과 우리가 얻고자 하는 감성의 변화에 대한 판단을 할 수 있음으로 감성의 신호 모델을 유추할 수 있었다.

• Nuclear Engineering and Technology
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.129-135
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• 1985

Effects of differences between fine- and broad-group structures and spectrum as a weighting function at the resonance energy region of iron on a neutron shielding calculation were analyzed with the ANISN code and ENDF/B-IV data. The problems analyzed are the broad-group effect, the effect for variation of iron thickness, and the effect of problem-dependent weighting spectrum. In order to verify the group data and method used, a calculational benchmark was performed with the continuous-energy Monte Carlo code VIM. The result was compared with the ANISN calculations using the fine- and broad-group data.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.147-156
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is provide appropriate arms control measures between South and North Koreas by comparing and analyzing the former proposals and agreements in the past and the current Moon Government's approach representing the 9.19 military agreement. For this, I established the most appropriate framework for analysis through comparing and analyzing the arms control theories. The policies of the past governments and of the current Moon Jae-in government are analyzed. The most highlighted characteristic was that the arms control policies were projected by not from the military confidence, but political confidence building measures or both concurrently. In conclusion, I suggested the strategies of projecting confidence building measures and arms control or disarmament in the process of projecting the peace settlement. Nonetheless, the most important point is that the policies of arms control and unification should be pushed ahead complementally.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.87-130
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• 2019

This paper aims to analyze the recent progress(current situation) and tasks of arms control in North and South Korea. To this end the paper is composed of 5 chapters titled instruction; recent progress(current situation) of arms control in South and North Korea; constraints and tasks of arms control on the Korean peninsula; and conclusion. One of the most important tasks for the establishment of a peace structure for the coexistence of the Korean people in the 21st century is the realization of military control in order to resolve the acute military confrontation situation and mutual threats. With the 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympics, the North-South summit and the subsequent talks for peace and denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula, the North Korea-US summit, and subsequent talks are creating conditions for trust building and arms control between the two Koreas. The military trust between the two Koreas and operational arms control are being achieved through the declaration of the April 27 Panmunjom and the 'Military Agreement for the Implementation of the Panmunjom Declaration.' However, since there are constraints on the control of arms control, such as the persistence of hostility and distrust of the two Koreas, the defense treaty between the two Koreas and neighboring countries, the competition of neighboring countries and the complex interests of the Korean peninsula, Trust Building is important. We should resolve the issue of arms control between the two Koreas, taking into account the trend of international arms control over the internal and external dynamics of the Korean peninsula gradually and carefully, with a vision of long-term unification security.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.39-76
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• 2019

This paper is to analyze the trend and implications of the publication of China's defense and security white papers. To this end the paper is composed of 5 chapters titled instruction; publication details and composition of China's defense and security white paper; the gist of the white paper on national defense and security during the Chinese president Xi Jinping era; the implications of Chinese white paper on national defense and security during the Chinese president Xi Jinping era; and conclusion. The Chinese Ministry of National Defense had published seven books every two years since 1998 to 2010. In 1995, the ministry published a white paper titled 'China's arms control and disarmament' for the first time. In 2013, it published a white paper titled 'The Diversified Employment of China's Armed Forces' and 'China's Military Strategy' in 2015. All have the common characteristic of being a propaganda policy reflecting China's strategic calculations. It seems that China has began to publish defense white papers in a proactive manner, due to the following factors: (1)pressure on China to demand military transparency from neighboring countries such as the United States; (2)the erosion of the 'China threat.' and (3)confidence in the achievement of China's military modernization. The 'active defensive strategy' and the 'strong defense strategy' of Si Jinping are implied in the words "China's dream is a dream of a powerful country and dream of a strong nation is essential to construct a strong nation." His these strategies have raised security concerns for neighboring countries. We need to maintain and reinforce strong ROK-US security cooperation, and hedging strategies to harmoniously promote ROK-China economic cooperation.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.203-237
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• 2011

Since USSR successfully launched its satellite "Sputnik"in 1957, many countries including US and USSR began military use of space, and engaged in arms race in space, which is against spirit and ideals of peaceful use of space as common heritage of mankind stipulated in many treaties such as Outer Space Treaty. With worsening Cold War between East and Western Bloc, this military use of space and arms race in space has been intensifying. Regarding the ideals of peaceful use of space, it is interpreted that military use of space is possible unless it does not have the purpose of aggression. The military use of space may have diverse forms such as attacking satellites in space, or attacking from satellites, making use of present and future technologies available which should include the use of nuclear and kinetic/hyper-speed weapons, laser, particle beams, near explosion, disturbance weapons in different directions (i.e., surface to space, space to space, and space to surface). Arms control is being implemented by the efforts of many countries in different formalities including legislature of international treaties under the auspices of UNCOPUOS and prohibition of weapons of mass destruction. Taking outstanding examples aiming at arms control by international community, there are confidence building measures (CBM), strengthening implementation of existing treaties, partial ban of nuclear tests, countryand regional approach, comprehensive approach and measures having legally binding force. While U.S. has surpassed other countries concerned in the area of military useof space, it withdrew from OST in early 2000s, thereby raising concern of international community. It requires concerted efforts of cooperationand implementation by international society to make sure peace of mankind and environmental conservation through arms control in space. Observing de facto possession of nuclear weapons by North Korea following series of nuclear tests and launching satellites, and efforts of launching rockets by South Korea, it is strongly needed for both countries to take part in arms control efforts by international community.