• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
• /
• 제42권2호
• /
• pp.235-274
• /
• 2011

The purpose of this study is to understand suffering of torture for victims with suspicion of espionage under the military government in Korea by knowing meaning and structure of empirical phenomena. Methods is to applied to Phenomenological and heuristic Human Becoming Methodology, and the subjects of this study are text for three tortured victims. Results is the structure that the victims accepted their act of espionage under the torture and horror, living with retribution from heaven, surviving pressured times, and fighting for human rights upon release from prison. The conceptual integration of relationship issues were: valuing, imaging, languaging with powering and transforming under the process of revealing-concealing and enabling-limiting. Finally, discussion and practical meaning was reviewed.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• 제41호
• /
• pp.5-38
• /
• 2020

The current state of performance halls in South Korea is closely related to the performance art and culture of the nation as the culture of putting on and enjoying a performance is deeply rooted in public culture and arts halls representing each area at the local government level. Today, public culture and arts halls have multiple management purposes, and the subjects of their management are in the public domain including the central and local governments or investment and donation foundations in overwhelming cases. Public culture and arts halls thus have close correlations with the institutional aspect of cultural policies as the objects of culture and art policies at the central and local government level. The full-blown era of public culture and arts halls opened up in the 1980s~1990s, during which multi-purpose performance halls of a similar structure became universal around the nation. Public culture and arts halls of the uniform shape were distributed around the nation with no premise of genre characteristics or local environments for arts, and this was attributed to the cultural policies of the military regime. The Park Chung-hee regime proclaimed Yusin that was beyond the Constitution and enacted the Culture and Arts Promotion Act(September, 1972), which was the first culture and arts act in the nation. Based on the act, a five-year plan for the promotion of culture and arts(1973) was made and led to the construction of cultural facilities. "Public culture and arts" halls or "culture" halls were built to serve multiple purposes around the nation because the Culture and Arts Promotion Act, which is called the starting point of the nation's legal system for culture and arts, defined "culture and arts" as "matters regarding literature, art, music, entertainment, and publications." The definition became a ground for the current "multi-purpose" concept. The organization of Ministry of Culture and Public Information set up a culture and administration system to state its supervision of "culture and arts" and distinguish popular culture from the promotion of arts. During the period, former President Park exhibited his perception of "culture=arts=culture and arts" in his speeches. Arts belonged to the category of culture, but it was considered as "culture and arts." There was no department devoted to arts policies when the act was enacted with a broad scope of culture accepted. This ambiguity worked as a mechanism to mobilize arts in ideological utilizations as a policy. Against this backdrop, the Sejong Center for the Performing Arts, a multi-purpose performance hall, was established in 1978 based on the Culture and Arts Promotion Act under the supervision of Ministry of Culture and Public Information. There were, however, conflicts of value over the issue of accepting the popular music among the "culture and arts = multiple purposes" of the system, "culture ≠ arts" of the cultural organization that pushed forward its establishment, and "culture and arts = arts" perceived by the powerful class. The new military regime seized power after Coup d'état of December 12, 1979 and failed at its culture policy of bringing the resistance force within the system. It tried to differentiate itself from the Park regime by converting the perception into "expansion of opportunities for the people to enjoy culture" to gain people's supports both from the side of resistance and that of support. For the Chun Doo-hwan regime, differentiating itself from the previous regime was to secure legitimacy. Expansion of opportunities to enjoy culture was pushed forward at the level of national distribution. This approach thus failed to settle down as a long-term policy of arts development, and the military regime tried to secure its legitimacy through the symbolism of hardware. During the period, the institutional ground for public culture and arts halls was based on the definition of "culture and arts" in the Culture and Arts Promotion Act enacted under the Yusin system of the Park regime. The "multi-purpose" concept, which was the management goal of public performance halls, was born based on this. In this context of the times, proscenium performance halls of a similar structure and public culture and arts halls with a similar management goal were established around the nation, leading to today's performance art and culture in the nation.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• 제27권2호
• /
• pp.245-271
• /
• 2017

The purpose of this study is to examine and assess the major characteristics and changes of politics, economy, and diplomacy in Thailand in 2016. Specifically, it reviewed the New Constitution that was passed in 2016, the confrontation between different political forces and the trend of military regime around the New Constitution, and the political instability caused by the accession of the new king to the throne. This study also set out to figure out changes to the economy and foreign relations of the country, including its relations with South Korea, under the military regime and make predictions for the impact and future prospects of King Bhumibol Adulyadej's death on the politics and economy of the country. In 2016, the politics of Thailand took a step further toward the transfer of power to civil government and established a foundation for an authoritarian system. The draft of the New Constitution, which does not seem to be democratic, was approved by a referendum and enabled the military authorities to continue their political interventions, even after the general election. The New Constitution, in particular, reduces the power of political parties itself in addition to simply keeping the Thaksin's party in check; thus, anticipating ongoing conflicts between the military authorities and political parties. In this situation, the absence of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who used to play a decisive role in promoting the political stability of the country, and the accession of the new king to the throne raise concerns about the acceleration of political instability, which has continued after the coup and influenced the diplomatic relations of the country. Today, Thailand is distancing itself from Western nations that do not recognize the current military regime including the U.S.A. and EU member states and instead maintains a rapidly friendly and close relation with China. In 2016, the economy of Thailand made a gradual recovery rather than high growth. The death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej has exerted limited direct economic impacts only on individual consumption and tourism and is not likely to cause a recession. An economic crisis will, however, be unavoidable if the political confrontations escalate before the general election to transfer power to the civil government.

• Korean Security Journal
• /
• 제15호
• /
• pp.107-128
• /
• 2008

It was started that Shiwe-goon was organized from Shilla-end to Goryeo foundation a country in powerful families existence merely royal household by stably plan means in the reign of Taejo. Generally Shiwe-goon was dutie king' personal danger of protection. Shiwe-goon was organized castle of guarding, stand by king and royal household side armed strength to going on a trip and general armed-organization was collapsed for Goryeo-end continued existence. Goryeo era of Shiwe-organization was divided central army and region army. Two-goon(Eungyang-goon, Yongho-goon) was undertaken king of Shiwe army and six-we(Chunwoo-we, Geumoh-we, Gammoon-we, Jeoawoo-we, Shinoh-we, Hongwe-we) was undertaked capital of guard and the border of defense duty. Central army of commanders was called Sangjanggoon, Daejanggoon. Sangjanggoon and Daejanggoon was discussed military officer of conference apparatus in Jungbang. Jungbang was got afterward Mooshinjungbeon happened military of statesman grasping political power with authority a main stay. Mooshinjungkwen era was appeared modernistic mean of privately guarding organization in Dobang and Naedobang. According as Shiwe-organization was charged military organization as a part of sovereign power and grasping strength of authority- maintenance for security and guarding duty. As a conclusion, national sovereign of guard was achieved not only personal life and body guard protection but also country of welfare protection in country-welfare dimension an inch of non-error. Also national sovereign of guard was considered guarding apparatus of allowance the largest duty and country-welfare direct connection with actual fact recognition in constancy effort.

• Maritime Security
• /
• 제3권1호
• /
• pp.211-235
• /
• 2021

As a result of the Falkland Islands War from April 2 to June 14, 1982, Britain overcame severe economic depression and reclaimed the glory of the former British Empire by winning the war. On the other hand, Argentina was greatly affected by the collapse of a military dictatorship and the birth of a democratic government. This study suggests strategies for responding to maritime disputes that may occur in Dokdo Island in the future by applying "DIME on PMESII" to the Falkland Islands dispute. In particular, the study analyzes how DIME (diplomacy, information, military, and economy) capabilities have an effect as a means of the total national power of a country that effectively controls the disputed territory. Based on the results of this study, the response strategies related to the Dokdo maritime dispute are as follows. First, effective control over the disputed territory should be effectively maintained and strengthened like in Britain. This strategy inspires patriotism, supports the government during warfare, secures a just cause for war, and gains international support. Second, 'DIME on PMESII' was effective in modern warfare by focusing our DIME capabilities on the weaknesses of the other country's PMESII system. That is, wars are not won simply by the conflict of armed forces but by a nation's overall national strength, such as diplomatic, information, and economic capabilities. Third, appropriate strategies for neighboring countries are needed to overcome the possibility of limited warfare in the sea through preparations for Dokdo maritime disputes in the future.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• 제62권
• /
• pp.140-158
• /
• 2013

The purpose of this study is to analyze the media policy of the Third Republic and its influence on local newspapers in Korea. Just after the May 16th coup Military Government enforced the press merger and abolition and in 1962 announced the direction of the media policy and its implementation standards. These standards had a serious impact on local newspapers. It had resulted in weakening the reporting activities and aggravating the financial difficulties of the local newspapers. The media policy in 1971, which was in the form of self-purification resolutions of media corporations limited the dissemination and weakened the activities of local newspapers. By these measures the centralizing to Seoul of the media had to be deepened. The industrialization policy promoted by the Third Republic exacerbated this centralizing process.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• 제9권6호
• /
• pp.153-163
• /
• 2011

This study analyzes the military and political factors that influenced the Participatory Government's resolution in Wartime Operational Control (OPCON) Transition. The research on key factors in OPCON transition firstly implemented literature research and then increased feasibility through additional use of AHP. The analysis results showed that there was a negative effect for Korean Peninsular Defense in the 'ROK-US Alliance Asymmetry' area, a positive effect to increase ROK-led Capability of Theater Operation in the 'ROK and U.S. Alliance Interdependence' area and a positive effect for Invocation of ROK Self-Defense Power in the 'Interests of Participatory Government's Liberal Regime' area respectively. After applying AHP, "ROK exercise of Self-defense" in the 'Interests of Participatory Government's Liberal Regime' area received the highest assessment, while the "Increasement of North Korea's Threat" in the 'ROK-US Alliance Asymmetry' area received the lowest assessment. This study is meaningful in that it analyzed the key military and political factors in the Participatory Government's resolution of Wartime OPCON Transition using AHP.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• 제22권
• /
• pp.39-75
• /
• 2003

This essay begins with the following questions; "What is a fundamental source of media power?" and "How can the media power dominate market?". This essay aims at answering the questions. I made my selection of countries such as Venezuela, Italy and UK for this article with a political economic approach. This analysis found evidence that an enormous conglomerate ownership, and alliance or convergence between media and political power are two fundamental source of the media power. With the integration of newspaper and television the media monopoly increased their supplies and political influences as I have shown. Despite the growing threat of media monopoly power to democracy and public interest, in recent years, governments worldwide have chosen to ease regulations.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• 제11권11호
• /
• pp.733-745
• /
• 2013

This article aims to look into the education policy of the civilian government, the practical government, the participatory government and the government of the people after the military government, and then to investigate characteristics and problems to neo-liberalism, which was an common education innovation policy of past government. This study tries to suggest a far-sighted national policy of education the present government should orient. Futhermore, the article presents 'humanistic philosophy of education' as a new paradigm of a future education. This means balanced humanistic education policy, not disintegrated education in which excellence and equality take different paths.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
• /
• 제25권1호
• /
• pp.315-347
• /
• 2019

(1986) and (1987) represent the society of 1980s in which the professional baseball game was initiated to cover the irrational military culture. The love and marriage of sports players were the headlines of the media, and the yearly salary of the players was the hottest issue of conversation. The military culture is represented in the scenes where the coaches train the failures and inapt players in extreme drills. The films pinpoint the absurdity of military culture and win-at-all-costs mentality. The collapse of the dictatorial leadership at the end of the films is a metaphor for the collapse of the fifth Republic of Korea. The episodes where the players talk about contract money, and the trade of players and sports business were a new phenomenon of the 1980's. The fact that Oh Hyesung of chooses love instead of victory deals a big blow to the secular ambition for money, victory and dictatorial leadership. His option provides catharsis for an audience oppressed under military leadership and success driven ideology. On the other hand, Oh Hyesung of dies right at the moment of winning the world champion. He achieves neither love nor success. While Oh Hyesung of is a symbol of pure love and gives spiritual comfort to the audience, Oh Hyesung of gives a sense of hopelessness to the audience. Both of the two sports films reflect the representation of the 1980's but received opposing reviews from audiences.