• The Optical Journal
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• s.167
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• pp.13-14
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• 2017

광주 광(光)산업을 4차 산업혁명 핵심 산업으로 육성하자는 주장이 나왔다. 국회 산업통상자원위원장 장병완 의원(국민의당)은 지난 11월 10일 국회 의원회관에서 '광산업 발전을 위한 정책 토론회'를 열고 4차 산업혁명 시대 광산업 육성 전략, 법제화 필요성 등을 논의했다.

• Proceedings of the Korea Technology Innovation Society Conference
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• 2017.05a
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• pp.473-487
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• 2017

본 논문은 대한민국의 제19대 대통령 선거와 관련하여 각 후보들의 과학기술정책 공약이 과학자들의 여론을 반영하였는지 알아본다. 이를 위해서, 주요 정당(더불어민주당, 국민의당, 바른정당, 정의당)의 후보들이 과학 언론인 동아사이언스로부터 받은 과학기술정책 공약에 대한 문의에 대해 답변한 내용과 사단법인 과학자 단체인 '변화를 꿈꾸는 과학기술인 네트워크(ESC)'가 발간한 '2017 대선 과학기술지원정책 타운미팅 - 우리는 대통령 후보에게 무엇을 묻고 요구할 것인가'라는 자료집에 대해 답변한 내용을 중심으로 하였다. ESC의 해당 자료집은 ESC 소속 회원들이 주관한 타운미팅에서 참가자들이 소속 및 직위에 의한 제한 없이 반대 의견에 부딪히지 않고 자유롭게 의견을 개진함으로써 발간된 것이기 때문에, 과학기술계의 여론을 가감 없이 반영했다고 볼 수 있다. 분석을 해본 결과, 국민의당 안철수 후보의 과학기술정책 공약이 과학기술계 여론을 가장 많이 반영하였으나, 과학기술 일자리 확충 및 과학기술인재 등용과 관련해서는 더불어민주당 문재인 대통령이, 과학문화 정책과 관련해서는 바른정당 유승민 후보 및 정의당 심상정 후보가 과학기술계 여론을 잘 반영한 것으로 나타났기에, 문재인 대통령이 세부 정책별로 다른 후보의 공약을 참고할 필요가 있는 것으로 파악되었다.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.31-70
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• 2017

On December 9, 2016, the decision of impeachment of the National Assembly decided against Park Geun-hye came from the nomination conflicts of the 20th general election between Pro-Park group and Anti-Park group at the ruling Saenuri Party. Therefore, this study focused on the nomination conflicts of the ruling party and the opposition party on the election results in the 20th general election on the public sentiment of the people. The nomination conflicts of the ruling and opposite parties were a prelude to the victory of the 19th presidential election, and it was serious faction conflict. Firstly, the study examined how the nomination conflicts of each party were centered on President Park Geun-hye as well as the leaders of each party and the chairman of the nomination committee. Secondly, the study examined what kind of changes would be made to the composition of presidential candidates for each party at the time of the presidential election. Thirdly, the study examined the opposition parties' separation between the Minjoo Party of Korea and the People's Party of Korea before and after the election and the issue of initiative in Honam. As a result of the analysis, the 20th general election failed to obtain a majority seat of the ruling Saenuri Party, and the opposition won and formed the majority. The reason why President Park and Saenuri were greatly defeated in the contest even in the situation where the opposition parties were divided is the root cause in the attitude of Pro-Park group and Anti-Park group who assumed their victory. Therefore, it is highly possible to render its responsibility to President Park Geun-hye, who has become a 'past power', and it has opened up the possibility that the emergence of future power by opposition parties. In the case of the opposition party, it is clear that the battle for Honam, which is a traditional opposition party's support group, is a matter of good fortune of the two major powers, Moon Jae In and Ahn Cheol Soo.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.5-52
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• 2016

Several criticisms notwithstanding, the major political parties in South Korea seem to have developed relatively coherent 'collective identities' with regard to the unification question between South and North Korea. A comparative analysis in this paper reveals a certain pattern of convergence and divergence in unification policies among major parties. First, diachronically, the two major political parties in the history of South Korea, which I call for simplicity "conservative parties" and "democratic parties" respectively, have converged into allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea since President Park Chung-hee's proclamation of peaceful unification plan in 1970. The governments of conservative parties since then promoted allelosubjective relations between South and North Korea, which the governments of democratic parties succeeded and developed into a partial integration policy. Though the succeeding governments of conservative parties of Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye seem to have stepped back from the allelosubjective attitudes, seemingly they have not yet withdrawn to the monosubjective stance before 1970. Next, synchronically, an analysis of the platforms of major parties and their campaign promises in the 20th general election in 2016 reveals converging and diverging points in their unification policies. All the major parties show relatively allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea, with significant differences. "Saenuri Party," the current conservative party, maintains quite bit of monosubjective attitudes towards North Korea and requires unilateral changes of North Korea in the process of unification. "Justice Party," the minor progressive party, is the most allelosubjective in that it presupposes the co-existence and mutual survival of the two Koreas in unification. In between lie "The Minjoo Party of Korea" and "The People's Party", the two parties separated in the democratic party bloc.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.171-202
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• 2018

Issue ownership concerns a party's issue handling reputation. When a party is perceived to have the best solution for an issue, voters identify the party as the owner of the issue. Extant literature of issue ownership voting shows that voters tend to vote for a party that they identify as the owner of an issue they concern most. That is, the effect of issue ownership on voting is conditioned by the perceived salience of the issue in question. This study investigates another condition of issue ownership voting: i.e. party behavior in election campaigns. It argues that the effect of issue ownership on voting is conditional: it depends on party behavior as well as issue salience. During the campaign in the 2016 legislative election, only the Democratic Party of Korea, the opposition party at that time, actively presented itself as the owner of economic issues. The analysis results of this study show that the identification of the Democratic Party as the economic issue owner affects voting for the party when a voter thinks the economy to be the most important issue. However, the identification of the other parties as the economic issue owner does not affect voting for them under the same condition. The results support the argument that party behavior as well as issue salience are conditions of issue ownership voting.