• Issues in Feminism
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.69-103
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• 2012

By reviewing relatively recent theory of coercive control, which considers gender as a key concept to conceptualize domestic violence, this article explores battered women's experiences with police responses and institutional law enforcement. Using data and interviews from Korea Women's Hotline, this article analyzes the effects of state intervention which fails to support battered women and sends a message to the community that domestic violence is not such a serious crime. Specifically, this study found some problematic responses and attitudes of police and legal system: first, police is equating domestic violence with physical attacks or serious harms. Second, police and law enforcement personnel blame victims based on her gender performance or gender roles. Third, by individualizing the problem of domestic violence, state intervention ignores important structural factors that cause and perpetuate it. Finally, police and the justice system disempower and discourage battered women by exacerbating victim's fears and risks. Viewing domestic violence as a liberty crime, this study concludes that enhanced understanding of the nature of domestic violence only can contribute to solving the problem and protecting women's human rights.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.38
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• pp.309-335
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• 1999

The purpose of this study is to classify welfare regimes using the method of qualitative comparative analysis(QCA). By formalizing the logic of qualitative analysis, QCA makes it possible to bring the logic and empirical intensity of qualitative approaches to studies that normally call for the use of quantitative methods. In QCA each case is conceived holistically, as a configuration of conditions, not a collection of scores on variables. Major findings of this study are as follows. Firstly, major explanations for welfare state differences are partly supported. Indicators relevant to each explanation can appear to be important only if other causal conditions are considered. For example, in the interventionist welfare states, high GDP per capita must be combined with the weakness of the Right and ethnic homogeneity. Otherwise, it can't discern interventionist from liberalist welfare states. Secondly, the equation for the interventionist welfare states includes multiple causal conjunctures. Many studies of welfare state find the same results. The third main finding is that IDV(individualism index) which is proxy for the weakness of informal network matters. Combining with other variables, IDV seems to be important in explaining the emergence of Confucian welfare states.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.978-986
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• 2015

The Korean government has administered the 'AMPQ-II' to all middle school students to prevent psychological problems and make immediate interventions when necessary. On the other hand, there has been a paucity of studies of the effectiveness of this governmental policy, or the factors influencing the effectiveness of the intervention. Using the data from 48 counselees from two middle schools, the present study examined the effectiveness of the intervention programs, and whether the counselor's characteristics and the number of counseling sessions might matter in the effect. The results suggested that most students reported improvements after the interventions. The intervention effect was less pronounced when the counselors had governmental certification. The number of counseling sessions was not a significant factor for predicting the effectiveness of the interventions. Interpretations of the present study should be made cautiously because of the small sample size. The present results, however, suggest that efforts to improve the quality of the counseling teachers are necessary. In addition, increasing the number of counseling sessions is not necessarily effective.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.83-108
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• 2008

A analytical framework is suggested to explain how different standardization each country makes with incorporation of institutional elements such as the state's intervention and inter-firm relations which are considered to have a significant effect on it. Application to mobile telecommunication industry of the framework shows that different innovation system has its own technological standardization. In isolated inter-firm relation system, standardization is achieved through market but in cooperative one, through coordinating activities between participant firms. The state, however, intervenes more deeply in standardization and inter-firm relations are shorter in state-led and isolated firm relation system than in state-led and cooperative firm relation system.

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 1999.04a
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• pp.456-472
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• 1999

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.361-383
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• 2009

This study extends theoretically the expected utility model of trade-conflict developed by Polacheck if a third country is involved, and analyses empirically how trade between North Korea and China affects to the political conflict between South and North Korea. The results of empirical analysis show that North Korea's exports to South Korea and China do not affect the conflict or cooperative relations between South and North Korea. But North Korea's imports from South Korea and China affect to the conflict between South and North Korea: increasing of North Korea's imports to South Korea reduce conflict between South and North Korea, but increasing of North Korea's imports to China increase conflict between South and North Korea.

• Strategy21
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• s.38
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• pp.321-347
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• 2015

중국은 지난 10년간 아시아에서의 영향력 확대를 위한 팽창정책의 일환으로 인도양 주변 국가들과의 관계발전을 위해 국가 차원의 노력을 기울여왔다. '진주목걸이 전략(String of Pearls Strategy')으로 묘사되는 중국의 인도양 정책의 개괄적 성격에 관한 연구는 여러 학자들에 의해서 시도되어 왔으나, 인도양 주변 개별국과들과의 협력과 개입의 정도(The variation in the extent of China's Engagement and Collaboration with States along Its Indian Ocean sea lines of communication)에 영향을 미치는 구조적 요인에 대한 연구는 부재해 왔다. 이 논문에서는 인도양 주변 국가들에 대한 개입 및 관계발전을 위한 중국의 인도양정책을 국제정치학의 이론 중 '방어적 신현실주의(Defensive Neorealism)'의 이론적 틀에 근거한 '연성적 힘의 균형(Soft Balancing)'의 관점에서 고찰해 보고, 중국의 인도양 정책은 이 지역에서 중국의 팽창에 대한 미국의 견제 및 반발(Backlash)을 억제하고 중국의 에너지 안보를 보장하기 위한 전략적 정책의 결과임을 조명해 본다. 더불어 중국의 인도양 진출에 따른 미국의 정책대안을 예측해 본다. 본 연구의 목적을 위해 이론적 틀에 기반한 가설을 설정하고 인도양 주변의 11개 국가에 대한 교차 사례연구(Cross-sectional Case Analysis)를 통해 타당성을 검증한다.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.82-103
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• 2007

Neoliberalism can be seen as a path-dependent, hybrid and contradictory project that operates actually (not just ideologically) through intervention of the state that has been not weakened in its strength but different in its strategies, especially through neoliberal policies of remaking urban space. This paper seeks to characterize the development of neoliberalism and urban policies in S. Korea, by examining the trajectory of neoliberalism generated in its contextually specific way since the late 1980s, by illuminating the intersection between new neoliberal programs and the existing developmentalism of the state and changes in spatial policy with its effects, which can be divided into two phases: the first from the late 1980s to the economic crisis in 1997, and the second from the crisis to the present. This paper finally identifies several paths in which the state and the market would be interrelated, and argues that the vision of national development and spatial policy should be welfare(i.e. human)-oriented, not industry(i.e. capital)-oriented.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.79-102
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• 2009

This study reviews the issue of public interests of technologies required in industrial technology policy as well as the demand for changes in industrial technology policy as result of the migration from catch-up to post catch-up innovation system. In fact, the importance of public interests which served as the rationale for government intervention in industrial technology policy have gradually faded, which invited controversies over the legitimacy and effectiveness of government intervention in promoting specific technologies or industries. Today, the existing policy framework has to change to correspond to the post catch-up environment which requires creative technology development. In this context, the Korean government needs to reduce direct support for certain companies or technologies, but increase R&D investment in energy, environment and health and welfare to enhance public interests of technology innovation activities.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.20
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• pp.199-228
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• 2009

National security of post cold-war since 1990's shift that conception of the national security transfer traditional military strength to economic strength. Accordingly, the national interest about how to protect the of the high-technology industry enterprises has become contentious social issue. The U.S. and advanced countries promote the policy to protect The United State's Economic Espionage Act(EEA). The Korea reaching to high level a field at IT, Shipbuilding, Steel, Automobile Industry and huge capital investment to high-technology & development. But, systematic industry security activity not an unfold. So private investigator collect the evidence and information of business case for prevent danger is efficient. The private investigator system, deal with the matter efficiently, will good system to prevent economic loss of business, state and nation through make a good use in business crime that machinery of law difficult to intervene. This article countermeasure about industry spy through make a good use of private investigator.