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A Research on Comparison of Cultural Idea of Horse Between Korea and Mongolia - In view of customs related to horse in Korea and Mongolia (한·몽 말 문화 연구 시론 -한국과 몽골의 말과 관련된 세시풍속을 중심으로-)

  • Yoon, Eun-Sook
    • Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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    • v.24 no.4
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    • pp.347-358
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    • 2004
  • In Mongolia which consists of nomadic populations, horse has been loved by nomads and considered most important transportation means. Horses have been used when they were making long journey looking for new plain ground for grazing. Therefore, horse is closely connected with Mongolian nomadic culture. In Korea, too, horses had been considered one of most important means for transportation and military. The symbolism of horse that is represented in both Mongolia and Korea is Heavenly Horse which communicates with the God and it was sanctified as a Sacrificing Horse which was sent to God for sacrifice, and it was even worshiped as Divine Horse, the diety. As is the case of two of Mongolian customs associated with Mongolian language are 'the ceremony of horse's giving birth her young' and 'the ceremony of letting the mare go where it was before', all the cases are related with cattle's milk. The ceremony of 'horse's giving birth her young' is the ceremony where people hope that they would see the young can grow well which were born in early summer thus increasing the numbers of horse. To go with this, they perform a ceremony of Chachal in which they sprinkle the best quality white milk which is the symbol of good luck and hope they would produce plentiful of dairy products. The ceremony of 'letting the mare go where it was before' is also the ceremony where people hope to have many new born young horses thus produce more dairy products and Airag for the next year as milking is no more available for that you. Since the unified Silla Era, Koreans have performed a sacrifice rituals to horse in auspicious day. It's purpose is to see their horses get no disease and bear as many youngs as possible. The Back Ins Je, one of well blown festivals in Jeju Island, was originated from people's wish to prosper in stock farming. It can be said that the custom of Korea and Mongolia related with horse's giving birth was originated from the wishes to god for fertility and fecundity. On top of that, while Mongolians sprinkled horse's milk both on the ground and to the air hoping they would have increased houses and, thus, secure many dairy products, Koreans wish that they would see the increased number of horses and their healthy conditions through heavenly rituals.

A Study on the Formation Process and the Settling Period of the Gwandong-Palkyung by the Thematic Exploration of Joseon Landscape Poetry and Paintings (옛 시문과 그림으로 살핀 관동팔경(關東八景)의 형상화 및 정착시기)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Son, Hee-Kyung
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.35 no.1
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    • pp.10-24
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    • 2017
  • The research takes note of the formation process and settling period of Gwandong-Palkyung(關東八景, Eight Sites of Eastern Korea), the representative palgyeong(prominent eight sites) and jipgyeong(集景, landscape collection of scenic beauty), and investigates the time of formation regarding the palkyung and jipgeyong of Gwandong's scenic beauty through the analysis and interpretation of bibliographic data, and reference data. The result of the study is as follows. As the first document that records the terminology of "Gwandong-Palkyung" is "Daphongeunggil(答洪應吉)" of Yi, Hwang(李滉), Gwandong-Palkyung is inferred to be settled within the recognition of the people even before the 16th century. The geographic analysis result including "Sinjeung Donggukyeojiseungram(新增東國輿地勝覽)", Gwandong-Palkyung expanded as Gwandong-Sipkyung in early to middle of the 16th century. The first confirmed landscape collection regarding Gwandong-Palkyung in this study is confirmed in Shin Zup(申楫)'s "Yeonggwandong-Palkyung(詠關東八景)", thus, the terminology of Gwandong-Palkyung existed before 16th century at the latest. The settlement time of current "Palkyung" collection is estimated to be early 17th century at the latest. Poetries regarding Gwandong-Palkyung, and the frequency on the appearance of Gwandong scenic beauties are analyzed as making clear of the concentrated phenomenon on the sceneries of Gwandong-Palkyung. On the other hand, the collection of Gwandong-Palkyung in the domain of arts is confirmed initially in the ${\ll}$Gwandongpalkyungdobyeong(關東八景圖屛)${\gg}$ of Heo, Pil(許泌). Gwandong-Palkyung, expressed as the actual scene landscape painting shows similar tendencies of the conditions in the jipgyeong from the poetry, but the appearance rate of the painting subject was more prominent in visual solidarity and cohesion due to the reflection of the importance on icon(圖像) of the art works produced with particular meaning in the case of fixed ideal system. From late Joseon to modern times, ${\ll}$palpokbyeongpung(八幅屛風)${\gg}$ of various forms of folk painting is a corroborative evidence notifying that the cultural phenomenon of Gwandong-Palkyung has entered the universal period of embrace. Also, the 13 scenic beauties of Gangwon-Do appearing in the games of Namseungdo and Myeongseungyuramdo include Gwandong-Palkyung, which confirms the settlement of Gwandog-Palkyung even within the culture of games in late Joseon. Such results demonstrate the existence of awareness regarding Gwandong-Palkyung from the first half of the 15th century, which is presumed to have completely settled in the 17th century through the continuous development of formative process in the 16th century. Ultimately, Gwandong-Palkyung is the concrete formation of regional scenic beauties that individually gained its reputations as scenery from the Koryo Dynasty to late 17th century. Gwandong-Palkyung of the scenic beauty of Gwandong is a unique cultural scenery of the region that have germinated and formed through the process of cutting and polishing of long time to collect the best eight of scenic beauty from the many participation of sightseeing culture.

Importance of Enjoyment Method in Classic Poetry Education and its Methodological Study (고전시가 교육에 있어 향유 방식의 중요성과 그 방법론적 탐색)

  • Park, Kyeong-Ju
    • Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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    • no.38
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    • pp.5-35
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    • 2018
  • This paper discusses this seminar's theme, 'Classic Literature Enjoyment Methods and Education,' with a focus on the genre of classic poems. However it does not focus on any individual method by discussing a specific genre or enjoyment method but focuses on a fundamental discussion. The importance of a functional relationship between the classic poetry genre and its enjoyment method is raised avoiding a generalized discussion. There are things that researchers often forget about classic poems. They forget that most classic poems are not ordinary poems but songs that are to be sung, and thus they should, in principle, be expressed in Korean language. These two facts about classic poems, indicate that their enjoyment method should be given importance. Compared to modern poems, Chinese classic poems, folk songs, and other forms of verse, only classic poems have the aforementioned conditions unique to them. In addition, classic poems include several types of poems, Japga (literally, miscellaneous songs), and Siga (literally, poem-song) genres representing each era, so it is important to discuss the characteristics of such poems with respect to their times periods and genres. Even based on such characteristics, the enjoyment situation where works are created and sung in the genre of classic poems is very important, and thus the enjoyment method issue should be closely linked with the study of works and genres. This study examines how the topics of enjoyment methods for classic poems is reflected in the current middle education curriculum. To improve the current situation, it outlines the issues that arise when enjoyment methods for classic poems are applied to textbooks or classes, set as textbook unit goals or criteria for achievement, and presented as measures designed to plan the composition of works and learning activities. Future studies on literary educational methodologies are expected to further examine the enjoyment methods for poems in class discussed herein.

The Meaning of Extraordinary Circumstances under the Regulation No 261/2004 of the European Parliament and of the Council (EC 항공여객보상규칙상 특별한 사정의 의미와 판단기준 - 2008년 EU 사법재판소 C-549/07 (Friederike Wallentin-Hermann v Alitalia) 사건을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Young-Ju
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.29 no.2
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    • pp.109-134
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    • 2014
  • Regulation (EC) No 261/2004 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 11 February 2004 establishing common rules on compensation of assistance to passengers in the event of denied boarding and of cancellation or long delay of flights (Regulation No 261/2004) provides extra protection to air passengers in circumstances of denied boarding, cancellation and long-delay. The Regulation intends to provide a high level of protection to air passengers by imposing obligations on air carriers and, at the same time, offering extensive rights to air passengers. If denied boarding, cancellation and long-delay are caused by reasons other than extraordinary circumstances, passengers are entitled for compensation under Article 7 of Regulation No 261/2004. In Wallentin-Hermann v Alitalia-Linee Aeree Italiane SpA(Case C-549/07, [2008] ECR I-11061), the Court did, however, emphasize that this does not mean that it is never possible for technical problems to constitute extraordinary circumstances. It cited specific examples of where: an aircraft manufacturer or competent authority revealed that there was a hidden manufacturing defect on an aircraft which impacts on safety; or damage was caused to an aircraft as a result of an act of sabotage or terrorism. Such events are not inherent in the normal exercise of the activity of the air carrier concerned and is beyond the actual control of that carrier on account of its nature or origin. One further point arising out of the court's decision is worth mentioning. It is not just necessary to satisfy the extraordinary circumstances test for the airline to be excused from paying compensation. It must also show that the circumstances could not have been avoided even if all reasonable measures had been taken. It is clear from the language of the Court's decision that this is a tough test to meet: the airline will have to establish that, even if it had deployed all its resources in terms of staff or equipment and the financial means at its disposal, it would clearly not have been able - unless it had made intolerable sacrifices in the light of the capacities of its undertaking at the relevant time - to prevent the extraordinary circumstances with which it was confronted from leading to the cancellation of the flight.

A Study on the (맹사성 <강호사시가>의 짜임새)

  • Yang Hee-Chan
    • Sijohaknonchong
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    • v.21
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    • pp.143-164
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    • 2004
  • The purpose of this study is to clarify that 'Kanghosasiga' is the Ynsijo which has general unification of the content and having general unification is based. on the using one definite frame. although 'Kanghosasiga' used different subject matters that have characteristics of four season in forming one theme. The definite frame is divided into two frames, inner frame and outer frame. Outer frame is common in four works, and it represents the place in which the speaker lives(강호), speaker (이몸), relationship between speaker and the king(군은), the condition of 'kangho' and speaker. And in this paper, the generative condition of phrases is so analyzed that the compression and the simplicity of expression are explained, and the purpose of generative phrases is so analyzed that satisfaction at life is represented. It is considered if it is possible to extended to '태평성대(the happy era)' in the social view. Inner frame is the detail structure of content of the work. Each of the first, second, third of the verses of four works have common structure. After analyzing each content, the characteristic of 'Kanghosasiga' was explained. The first of verses of 'Kanghosasiga' represent gusto of the four season. The second is constructed with 'the clause that functions as instruction' because 'speaker' that is the words that functions as index, and represents in detail gusto of the first. The third is connotative expression connected with the second. The third implies purpose that the writer try to gain private living with formal viewpoint. The structure of the inner frame of 'Kanghosasiga' shows a process; 'introducing season' $\to$ 'gusto about season' $\to$ 'enjoying with season' $\to$ 'peace in mind'. The first of verses of 'Kanghosasiga' is the clue of the second. The second is the reaction of the first. The third has character as estimation of the forepart. The structure of the outer frame can be shown if the structure of the inner frame has '감군은‘(being grateful to king's grace). ultimate purpose of the writer is to praise king's administration.

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A Study on the Differentiation of a City image with City Identity (CI(City Identity)에 의한 도시이미지 차별화를 위한 연구)

  • 이충훈
    • Archives of design research
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    • v.15 no.4
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    • pp.57-66
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    • 2002
  • With the advanced localization followed by the settlement of the local autonomous systems, every city has faced new realities that it is inevitable to change its environment and image designs which have been uniformly made without consideration of its characteristics. Accordingly, they have failed to effectively achieve the development goal which make them distinctive.. The identity of a city means an image rather than its attribute. It can be drawn only when the city has its own municipality as well as the superiority to others. For Corporate Identity(CI) to function effectively as a comprehensive medium of communication, We should take into consideration all the situations which surround the city. It should be emphasized on the culture and environment oriented image. To do so we first of all have to analyze in detail the current situations and characteristics of the city. Hence, this paper tried to propose the strategies of making the CI which expresses the unique identity and communication of the city applying the CI program which have been used as the way of business management. The creation of the CI of the city takes the following steps. First, find the potentials for the image of the city through the survey of its resources. Second, provide the motive for citizens to actively participate in making plans with a dear vision for the improvement of the city image, physical development and so on. Third, provide with the events and the projects for specialized goods of the city to strengthen the ability of delivering the information, to design the city image and the street environment of the city. Fourth, apply the communication design system to use actively the administration organization, to enhance the citizenship, and to differentiate the city image. To do so, a variety of efforts should be followed to integrate and promote the regional culture, develope the structure and the facility functions of the city connecting those factors effectively. The establishment of the city identity is required a variety of activities to make the environment of the city, and the agreeable residential environment for a better life by differentiating the characteristics the city has.

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Woodam Jeong Si-han's Understanding of Toegye (우담(愚潭) 정시한(丁時翰)은 퇴계(退溪)를 어떻게 이해하였는가? - 『사칠변증(四七辨證)』을 중심으로 -)

  • Kang, Heui Bok
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.29
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    • pp.33-54
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    • 2010
  • Woodam(愚潭) Jeong Si-han(丁時翰, 1625-1707) played an important role in the formation and development of the Toegye School. This writing explores the way Woodam understood the thought of Toegye(退溪, 1501-1570) as presented in The Book of Four-Seve Demonstration(四七辨證) The 17th century that Woodam lived in was the period in which monism and dualism coexisted. Woodam's understanding of Toegye's thought can be summarized as follows: 1) Woodam followed Toegye's li(理)-qi(氣) defense and his view on the origin of nature and emotion, acknowledging Toegye as the orthodox transmitter of Zhu Xi's teachings, 2) Woodam considered that the difference between the past and the contemporary teachings was simply caused by the difficulty of comprehending the character "li (principle) ". Thus he criticized Yulgok(栗谷, 1536-1584)'s claim that "that which rises is qi (material force), and that which gives rise to qi is li," and followed instead Toegye's views of the entivity, dynamism, and ultimacy of li and its substantial function. Yet, Woodam further developed Toegye's thought and asserted that "in the midst of the marvelous unity of li and qi, li is always dominant and qi is always ancillary." 3) Woodam criticized Yulgok's thought and advocated Toegye's doctrine of the mutual motion of li and qi(理氣互發說), thereby following Toegye's insistence that difference can be observed in sameness and sameness can be observed in difference, that integrative thinking is needed to constructively embrace both analytic and synthetic judgments. In conclusion, Woodam understood profoundly and correctly Toegye's views on the relationship between li and qi and between nature and emotion, and explained them more concretely. In so doing, he endeavored to live the life by the teachings of Toegye.

Transforming the Wongaksa Bell[Buddhist Bell] to the Bosingak Bell[Court Bell]: An Example of the Debuddhismization during the Joseon Dynasty (원각사종(圓覺寺鐘)에서 보신각종(普信閣鍾)으로 -조선시대 탈불교화의 일례-)

  • Nam Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.104
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    • pp.102-142
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    • 2023
  • The Bronze Bell of Wongaksa Temple, also known as the Bosingak Bell, was produced in 1468 during the reign of King Sejo for dedication at Wongaksa Temple in the middle of the capital Hanyang in celebration of the tenth anniversary of his accession to the throne. It is currently heavily damaged and cannot be struck. This paper focuses on the man-made damage inflicted on the Bosingak Bell and explores when, why, and by whom the bell was damaged along with the historical significance of this damage. In the first section, the relevant literature is reviewed and the problems concerned, research perspective, and methodology are presented. The history of related theories is investigated focusing on the relationship between Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell. The perspective that Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell are the same is introduced. My discussion will be developed from this perspective. In the second section, the background to King Sejo's construction of Wongaksa Bell is examined. Specifically, the bells commissioned by the kings of the early Joseon era are divided into court bells (jojong) and Buddhist bells (beomjong). They total four court bells and three Buddhist bells. The former are the Jongnu Tower Bell commissioned by King Taejo, Donhwamun Gate Bell by King Taejong, Gwanghwamun Gate Bell by King Sejong, and Sajeongjeon Hall Bell by King Sejo. The latter are the bells of Yongmunsa, Heungcheonsa (or Jeongneungsa) and Wongaksa Temples, all of which were made during the reign of King Sejo. Sejo also made Wongaksa Bell and gave it the meaning that the monarch and the Buddha both wish to enlighten the people through the sound of the bells. In the third section, traces of the man-made damage done to Bosingak Bell are closely examined. By observing the current condition of Bosingak Bell and comparing it with the contemporaneous Heungcheongsa Bell (1462) and Bongseonsa Bell (1469), the components of Bosingak Bell that were damaged can be identified. The damaged parts are again divided into Buddhist elements and non-Buddhist elements. The former includes the reversed lotus petals on the shoulder band, four standing bodhisattvas, and the inscription of the bell composed by Choe Hang. The latter includes lists of chief supervisors (dojejo). I describe the phenomenon of deliberately damaging Buddhist elements on bells as "effacement of Buddhism," meaning Buddhist images and inscriptions are eliminated, and I note the prevailing rejection of Buddhism theory among Neo-Confucianists as its ideological root. The erasure of non-Buddhist images was probably caused by political conflicts such as Yeonsangun's purge in 1504. Since both ideological and political factors played a role in the changes made to Bosingak Bell, the damage was possibly done between the Purge of 1504 and the abdication of Yeonsangun in 1506. Chapter four traces the transformation of the Buddhist bell of Wongaksa Temple into the Bosingak court bell. Finally completed in 1468, the Wongaksa Bell only served its role as a Buddhist bell at related services for a relatively brief period of 36 years (until 1504). Wongaksa Temple was closed down and the bell lost its Buddhist function. In 1536, it was moved from Wongaksa Temple to Namdaemun Gate, where it remained silent for the next 90 years until it was struck again in November 1594. However, after the destruction of the Jongnu Bell in a fire during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592-1598), the Buddhist bell from Wongaksa Temple became a court bell. The Wongaksa Temple bell was relocated to Jongnu Tower in 1619, traveling through Myeongdong Pass. From then on, as the official Jongnu Bell (later renamed Bosingak Bell), it was regularly rung at dawn and dusk every day for nearly 300 years until 1908, when Japanese authorities halted the ritual. The transformation of the Wongaksa Bell (a Buddhist bell) to Bosingak Bell (a court bell) means that the voice of the Buddha was changed to the voice of the king. The concept of "effacement of Buddhism," evident in the transformation of Wongaksa Bell to Bosingak Bell, was practiced widely on almost every manifestation of Buddhism throughout the Joseon period. In short, the damage evident in Bosingak Bell underscores the debuddhismization in Korean society during the Joseon Dynasty.

The Conceptual Intersection between the Old and the New and the Transformation of the Traditional Knowledge System (신구(新舊) 관념의 교차와 전통 지식 체계의 변용)

  • Lee, Haenghoon
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.32
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    • pp.215-249
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    • 2011
  • This essay reflects on the modernity of Korea by examining the transformation of the traditional knowledge system from a historico-semantic perspective with its focus on the opposition and collision of the old and the new conception occurred in the early period(1890~1910) of the acceptance of the Western modern civilization. With scientific success, trick of reason, Christianity and evolutionary view of history, the Western modernity regarded itself as a peak of civilization and forced the non-Western societies into the world system in which they came to be considered as 'barbarism(野蠻)' or 'half-enlightened(半開).' The East Asian civilization, which had its own history for several centuries, became degraded as kind of delusion and old-fashioned customs from which it ought to free itself. The Western civilization presented itself as exemplary future which East Asian people should achieve, while East Asian past traditions came to be conceived as just unnecessary vestiges which it was better to wipe out. It can be said that East Asian modernization was established through the propagation and acceptance of the modern products of the Western civilization rather than through the preservation of its past experience and pursuit of the new at the same time. Accordingly, it is difficult to apply directly to East Asian societies Koselleck's hypothesis; while mapping out his Basic Concept of History, he assumed that, in the so-called 'age of saddle,' semantic struggle over concepts becomes active between the past experience and the horizon of expectation on the future, and concepts undergoes 'temporalization', 'democratization', 'ideologization', 'politicization.'The struggle over the old and new conceptions in Korea was most noticeable in the opposition of the Neo-Confucian scholars of Hwangseongsinmun and the theorists of civilization of Doknipsinmun. The opposition and struggle demanded the change of understanding in every field, but there was difference of opinion over the conception of the past traditional knowledge system. For the theorists of civilization, 'the old(舊)' was not just 'past' and 'old-fashioned' things, but rather an obstacle to the building of new civilization. On the other hand, it contained the possibility of regeneration(新) for the Neo-Confucian scholars; that is, they suggested finding a guide into tomorrow by taking lessons from the past. The traditional knowledge system lost their holy status of learning(聖學) in the process of its change into a 'new learning(新學),' and religion and religious tradition also weakened. The traditional knowledge system could change itself into modern learning by accepting scientific methodology which pursues objectivity and rationality. This transformation of the traditional knowledge system and 'the formation of the new learning from the old learning' was accompanied by the intersection between the old and new conceptions. It is necessary to pay attention to the role played by the concept of Sil(hak)(實學) or Practical Learning in the intersection of the old and new conceptions. Various modern media published before and after the 20th century show clearly the multi-layered development of the old and new conceptions, and it is noticeable that 'Sil(hak)' as conceptual frame of reference contributed to the transformation of the traditional knowledge system into the new learning. Although Silhak often designated, or was even considered equivalent to, the Western learning, Neo-Confucian scholars reinterpreted the concept of 'Silhak' which the theorists of civilization had monopolized until then, and opened the way to change the traditional knowledge system into the new learning. They re-appropriated the concept of Silhak, and enabled it to be invested with values, which were losing their own status due to the overwhelming scientific technology. With Japanese occupation of Korea by force, the attempt to transform the traditional knowledge system independently was obliged to reach its own limit, but its theory of 'making new learning from old one' can be considered to get over both the contradiction of Dondoseogi(東道西器: principle of preserving Eastern philosophy while accepting Western technology) and the de-subjectivity of the theory of civilization. While developing its own logic, the theory of Dongdoseogi was compelled to bring in the contradiction of considering the indivisible(道and 器) as divisible, though it tried to cope with the reality where the principle of morality and that of competition were opposed each other and the ideologies of 'evolution' and 'progress' prevailed. On the other hand, the theory of civilization was not free from the criticism that it brought about a crack in subjectivity due to its internalization of the West, cutting itself off from the traditional knowledge system.

The Abuse and Invention of Tradition from Maintenance Process of Historic Site No.135 Buyeo Gungnamji Pond (사적 제135호 부여 궁남지의 정비과정으로 살펴본 전통의 남용과 발명)

  • Jung, Woo-Jin
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.35 no.2
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    • pp.26-44
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    • 2017
  • Regarded as Korea's traditional pond, Gungnamj Pond was surmised to be "Gungnamji" due to its geological positioning in the south of Hwajisan (花枝山) and relics of the Gwanbuk-ri (官北里) suspected of being components to the historical records of Muwang (武王)'s pond of The Chronicles of the Three States [三國史記] and Sabi Palace, respectively, yet was subjected to a restoration following a designation to national historic site. This study is focused on the distortion of authenticity identified in the course of the "Gungnamji Pond" restoration and the invention of tradition, whose summarized conclusions are as follows. 1. Once called Maraebangjuk (마래방죽), or Macheonji (馬川池) Pond, Gungnamji Pond was existent in the form of a low-level swamp of vast area encompassing 30,000 pyeong during the Japanese colonial period. Hong, Sa-jun, who played a leading role in the restoration of "Gungnamji Pond," said that even during the 1940s, the remains of the island and stone facilities suspected of being the relics of Gungnamji Pond of the Baekje period were found, and that the traces of forming a royal palace and garden were discovered on top of them. Hong, Sa-jun also expressed an opinion of establishing a parallel between "Gungnamji Pond" and "Maraebangjuk" in connection with a 'tale of Seodong [薯童說話]' in the aftermath of the detached palace of Hwajisan, which ultimately operated as a theoretical ground for the restoration of Gungnamj Pond. Assessing through Hong, Sa-jun's sketch, the form and scale of Maraebangjuk were visible, of which the form was in close proximity to that photographed during the Japanese colonial period. 2. The minimized restoration of Gungnamji Pond faced deterrence for the land redevelopment project implemented in the 1960s, and the remainder of the land size is an attestment. The fundamental problem manifest in the restoration of Gungnamji Pond numerously attempted from 1964 through 1967 was the failure of basing the restorative work in the archaeological facts yet in the perspective of the latest generations, ultimately yielding a replication of Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. More specifically, the methodologies employed in setting an island and a pavilion within a pond, or bridging an island with a land evidenced as to how Gungnamji Pond was modeled after Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. Furthermore, Chihyanggyo (醉香橋) Bridge referenced in the designing of the bridge was hardly conceived as a form indigenous to the Joseon Dynasty, whose motivation and idea of the misguided restoration design at the time all the more devaluated Gungnamji Pond. Such an utterly pure replication of the design widely known as an ingredient for the traditional landscape was purposive towards the aesthetic symbolism and preference retained by Gyeongbok Palace, which was intended to entitle Gungnamji Pond to a physical status of the value in par with that of Gyeongbok Palace. 3. For its detachment to the authenticity as a historical site since its origin, Gungnamji Pond represented distortions of the landscape beauty and tradition even through the restorative process. The restorative process for such a historical monument, devoid of constructive use and certain of distortion, maintains extreme intimacy with the nationalistic cultural policy promoted by the Park, Jeong-hee regime through the 1960s and 1970s. In the context of the "manipulated discussions of tradition," the Park's cultural policy transformed the citizens' recollection into an idealized form of the past, further magnifying it at best. Consequently, many of the historical sites emerged as fancy and grand as they possibly could beyond their status quo across the nation, and "Gungnamji Pond" was a victim to this monopolistic government-led cultural policy incrementally sweeping away with new buildings and structures instituted regardless of their original space, and hence, their value.