The Buddhist monk, Kim Ji-jang (金地藏), a native of Silla, is still revered as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva in China. In Chinese Buddhism, Kim Ji-jang's becoming Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is unique in at least two ways. First, it is said that his becoming the bodhisattva originated not in Silla, but in China, a foreign country. Second, it is said that the historical person became regarded as a mythical being, Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The process of Kim Ji-jang's becoming Bodhisattva can be divided into three periods. The first period is the period of entering and practicing at Mount Jiuhua in China, and this also includes the period wherein he was first revered as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The second period begins immediately after Kim Ji-jang's death and ends three years later. In this period he became regarded as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The third period spans three years after his death to the present age. His status as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva carries on at present. There are two main causes for Kim Ji-jang's transformation into the bodhisattva. The first is an internal bodhisattva process. According to Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva's main vow, Kim Ji-jang's practice and edification impressed the public. The second is an external bodhisattva process. The miracles that appeared at the time of his death or the manifestation of the incorruptible relics three years after his death played a decisive role in the process of Kim Ji-jang becoming a bodhisattva. In line with the public's devotion, the Chinese imperial family repaired and supported the temple that enshrined the relics of Kim Ji-jang. Various factors could be analyzed in the process of Kim Ji-jang's becoming Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva, but more than anything else, it was Kim Ji-jang's severe ascetic practices and his virtuous edification of others.
Journal of the Korean Society of Environmental Restoration Technology
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v.7
no.6
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pp.1-11
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2004
This study was conducted to investigate the plants status of the landscape plant species of 10 elementary schools in the Chungju city, and to obtain the fundamental informations for proper use of planting system in the elementary school landscape. The results are summarized as follows : 1. 199 species were planted in the 10 elementary schools, It was constituted 89 of woody plants, 108 of herbaceous plants and 2 of others. The average number of plants per school was about 60 species. The rate of plants species of Evergreen Trees to the Deciduous was 23 : 60 and the rate the trees to the shrubs was 59 : 24. 2. Almost the same species were planted in school landscaping zone. Juniperus chinensis var. kaizuka, Ginkgo biloba, Zelkova serrata were mainly planted in the species of trees. To improve the present conditions of school landscape should be considered for the purpose of function and the aspect of ecology. 3. To see the selected school trees and flowers, Zelcova serrata was selected to the school tree in the 4 of schools. Ginkgo biloba was selected 3 of schools, the others were Juniperus chinensis Pinus densiflora, etc. Rhododendron lateritium was appointed to the school flower in the 6 of schools, the others were Rosa spp., Forsythia koreana etc. To set the school tree and flower consider the preserved trees of the community.
It was the landscape phase that social relations were extended by production of landscapes during the 16C~17C. Core lineage groups in study area had extended socio-spatial nexus through making of the landscape of ‘authority-ostentation’(권력-과시형 경관) and of ‘kindness-civilization’(시혜ㆍ교화형 경관). Therefore they could gain a result that their power and authority took root in community perfectly. In the case of the Kims of Kwangsan(광산김씨), the first landscape of ‘kindness-civilization’ was Jungheodang(the learning room Jungheo), and next it was built Yangsungdang(the learning room Yangsung), and Imlijung(the pavilion Imli). Through this landscape production, the consciousness of scholastic genealogy was born, and this genealogy consciousness could be deepened and extended in regional scale. One more important feature in this phase is the point that the Kims of Kwangsan in Yeonsan area and the Songs of Unjin(은진송씨) in Hoiduk area could unite socially by the landscape production of ‘kindness-civilization type’ becoming intermediation. And these social union, that is to say, it do connote enlargement of the territoriality. It tells that community of ‘regional’ scale was formed by of core lineage groups of ‘local’ uniting each other.
Kim, Young-Mee;Kim, Jin-Young;Cho, Moon-Jae;Chang Kong-Man;Hyun, Hae-Nam;Cho, Somi K.
Applied Biological Chemistry
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v.49
no.4
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pp.315-321
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2006
Inhibitors of acetylcholinesterase(AchE), such as organophosphates and carbamates, interfere the action of AchE in nerve and may lead to a severe impairment of nerve functions or even death. Therefore, insect AchE is the biological target of predominant insecticides used in agriculture. Biosensors are sensitive and can be used as dispoisable sensors for environmental control. In recent years, the use of AchEs in biosensor technology has gained enormous attention, in particular with respect to insecticide detection. The principle of biosensors using AchE as a biological recognition element is based on the inhibition the catalytic activity by the agents to be detected. We here present a strip-type biosensor based on AchE inhibition. In this study, acetylcholinesterase and PVA-SbQ(polyvinyl alcohol functionalized with methyl pyridinium methyl sulfate) were co-immobilized on immobilone-P membranes. Immobilization of the enzymes showed a stability in 6 months without activity loss in $4^{\circ}C$ storage. Enzymes immobilized on surfaces of membrane responded to organophosphates and carbamate more sensitivitive than enzyme in solution. Organophosphates and carbamates concentrations could be detected by entrapped and surface immobilized enzymes, in 5 min. For chlorpyrifos, carbofuran, cabaryl, and methidathion, the detection limits of AChE-strip were similar to that of HPLC/GC method.
This study is prepared to understand the filial story's communicative meaning from the aspects of Character's behavior. The filial story have typically didactic theme and it is not have enough room for another interpretations. But if we carefully analyze the filial story from the point of view of (1)the target of the filial duty[father/ mother]. (2) the actor of the filial duty[son/ daughter]. (3) the evaluator of the filial duty[witness/ recorder], we can understand the filial story's connotation. In "三國遺事"(Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms) and "三國史記"(Historical Records of the Three Kingdoms), the target of the filial duty plays an important part and communicates with the actor of the filial duty but there's no more communication in "高麗史"(History of Corea). As the character's communication is lessened, the meaning of edification is emphasized.
Since being designated as an important Intangible Cultural Property, Yeongsanjae has become recognized as a unique representation of Buddhist rituals in Korea. Following vigorous research in recent years, however, Suryukjae(水陸齋) was found to have been performed for a longer period and on a larger scale than Yeongsanjae, and under state leadership. This allowed researchers to move beyond the previous perspective that Yeongsanjae(靈山齋) lay at the center of many rituals. This study aims first to examine the origin and development of Yeongsanjae in Korea based on the literature, and then to discuss the meaning it holds today. Yeongsanjae was recorded as a ritual in Jineongwongong -published in 1496 during the early Joseon Dynasty- and also appeared in Yeongsandaehoejakbeopjeolcha -published in 1634(the 12th year of Injo's reign) in the mid-Joseon Dynasty and it was called Yeongsandaehoejakbeopjeolcha. It continued into the late Joseon Dynasty and it was called Yeongsanjakbeop or Yeongsandaehoejakbeop in the Ojongbeomeum collections(1661), CheonjimyeongyangSuryukjaeuiBeomeumsanbo collections(1721), and Jakbeobguigam(1826). In modern times, it has been called Yeongsanje in newspaper articles of TongnipSinmun (The Independent) and Yeongsanjae in Seokmunuibeom(1935). Nevertheless, the difference between the early Joseon Dynasty and subsequent periods is whether mourning of the spirit(唱魂) is added. In this regard, Yeongsanhoe in the early Joseon Dynasty mainly concerned Buddhist teachings realized through rituals such as sermon scenes of the Buddha. On the other hand, it was combined with Buddhist masses for the dead(追薦) from the mid-Joseon Dynasty and performed alongside with Buddhist teachings and prayers for the dead. Taking into account the seven-day Suryukjae, however, Yeongsanjae was performed daily during the day and mainly dealt with Buddhist teachings, while Buddhist masses for the dead were included when Yeongsanjae was performed independently.
This paper examines the contents and meaning of the education reform theory among the social reform theory of Wie Baek-gyu(1727~1798), a representative Confucian scholar of Honam in the 18th century, and suggests the moral educational implications of his educational reform theory. Wie Baek-gyu, who lived through the Yeongjo and Jeongjo eras, diagnosed the contradictions and problems of society at that time as the absence of morality. And emphasized the reform of school education as a center of ways to overcome social disruption. The educational reform theory he envisioned was to systematize the process from child education to higher education centered on the system reorganization of the school, and to formulate school education in conjunction with the selection of talent. He emphasized the cultivation and practice of moral character in the course of admission and curriculum of the school, and suggested a system that reflects the opinions of the local people in the admission process, thereby establishing the school as the center of the local society. His educational reform theory, which embodies the school system based on moral education and further shapes the school system and educational contents as the center of edification and recruitment of talented people, is a big indication of the curriculum of the current moral curriculum that emphasizes the cultivation and practice of inner morality based on personality education. In this paper, I summarized and reviewed the general contents of his perception of the times and social reform theory, the diagnosis of the educational reality that is the basis of his educational reform theory, and the specific contents of the education reform theory. Based on this, I presented the meaning to the current moral and curriculum.
In order to show the achievements of eminent monks who made great contributions to the spread and establishment of Buddhism in China, Huijiao (慧皎) compiled the Gaosengzhuan (高僧傳, Biographies of Eminent Monks) and set up ten subjects, the Shike (十科); meaning the ten rules for translating. The ten subjects served as an important framework for the Gaosengzhuan and its significance as a general history of Buddhism. This significance was further confirmed by the Xu-Gaosengzhuan (續高僧傳 The Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks), the Song-Gaosengzhuan (宋高僧傳 The Song Dynasty Biographies of Eminent Monks), and the Daming-Gaosengzhuan (大明高僧傳 The Great Ming Dynasty Biographies of Eminent Monks) which were compiled successively after the Gaosengzhuan. The ten subjects of the Gaosengzhuan underwent change in terms of the subject titles and their meanings in the subsequent versions of the Gaosengzhuan. In the Xu-Gaosengzhuan, Daoxuan (道宣) changed the titles of some subjects and added a new subject, and in the Song-Gaosengzhuan, Zanning (贊寧) gave new meanings to each subject without changing the ten subjects as they appeared in the earlier Xu-Gaosengzhuan. In the Daming-Gaosengzhuan, Ruxing (如惺) retained three of the subjects but removed seven. This evolution of formation and meaning in the ten subjects was the result of the author's deep recognition and also reflections on major changes and transitions in Buddhist history. Edification was emphasized in the Gaosengzhuan, self-discipline in the Xu-Gaosengzhuan, and wisdom and enlightenment were stressed in the Song-Gaosengzhuan. Ruxing showed that the collapse of the ten subjects reflected the decline of Buddhism. The fact that the ten subjects from each Gaosengzhuan were given different meanings demonstrates that these authors recognized Buddhist history differently. Therefore, it can be argued that the processing of Chinese Buddhist history has been reflected through each of their lens. But it is necessary to analyze and compare various aspects of each version of the Gaosengzhuan.
This study was to review the features of the preventive dimension in connection with adolescent deviation on the basis of the morality and ethics held by Confucian doctrine. To find solutions to the problems of adolescent deviation is never easy. As adolescent deviation always does occur, it is important to consider the methods that can minimize and prevent it. The traditional society of Korea laid weight on the education and training in the aspect of preventive measure against such adolescent deviation by emphasizing moral edification and realization of spiritual understanding for it. In this paper, the researcher tried to understand the problem situations by examining the image of such deviation and its type as well as the method on response thereto targeting the young generation of Korea. In addition, the researcher analyzed how the adolescent was recognized in the traditional society that was established on the Confucian values, and moral standards that applied to them, and the process of education as well. Through the moral concepts of Confucianism that were revealed in the Doctrine of the Mean (中庸, pronounced 'Jungyong' in Korean) in particular, the researcher sought the possibility of education on morality and ethics that will be able to prevent adolescent deviation. This study suggests that the morality and ethics held by Confucian doctrine can prevent adolescent deviation and open a new horizon of ethics education.
Sinjungsin Mask Play, one of Ttangseolbeop, is related to Seongjusin's life story. Sinjungsin Mask Play is a reconstruction of the story of the folk gods Seongjusin met while returning home. Seongjusin's life story proceeds in the form of Mask Play, and the monk who leads the sermon plays narration and main roles. Many believers play various roles and musicians. Sinjungsin Mask Play introduces many folk beliefs, sounds for intrigue, and talks. Sinjungsin Mask Play uses the same method of enumeration and repetition as the existing Mask Play. The repetition of a sentence or phrase plays a role in foreseeing the meaning of the context or foretelling the development of the plot to the audience. This repetition is intended to emphasize the situation of the scene and to create rhythm. Since Mask Play was exclusively for the common people, Mask Play actors use the repeating method commonly used in folk songs to form lines. This gives the audience a familiarity, effectively communicating the lines and responding to their tastes. Sinjungsin Mask Play borrowed people's way of playing for the public's mission. It inherits the dramatic forms of traditional traditional plays such as repetition of words or sentences or phrases, codification of words or sentences, borrowing of existing songs, and formal expression units. In addition, through repeated performances, believers can easily and easily learn and understand. This is the dramatic form and characteristics of Sinjungsin Mask Play. Sinjungsin Mask Play was handed down from Faith Communities and was used as a means of folk cultivation to spread illegality. Buddhism externalizes the process of accepting folk beliefs through Mask Play, and in the case of Shinto who participated directly or indirectly, they naturally acquire the belief system of Hwaeom Kyung through play. Sinjungsin Mask Play, one of Ttangseolbeop, can be said to have great value as an ICH, as well as popularization and mission.
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