• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.49
• /
• pp.295-329
• /
• 2024

This article reveals their theoretical differences by examining the interpretation of the mind theory of Cho Geung-seop (1873~1933) and Kwak Jong-seok (1846~1919). The characteristic of Cho Geung-seop's mind theory is that it is simhapligi (心合理氣 the mind is a combination of principles and internal energy). It is a position to recognize the role and status of Gi as an action while also acknowledging Li as the presidency of mind. In this theory, Li can exist only when there is Gi, and the presidency mind is thereby possible. For this reason, Cho Geung-seop criticized Kwak Jong-seok, who insisted on simjeokli (心卽理 the mind is precisely principles) from the perspective of simhapligi. The characteristic of Kwak Jong-seok's theory of mind lies in simjeokli. Although the mind is not without Gi, it is because of Li that the mind can preside over one body such that it can be described as simjeokli. Accordingly, Kwak Jong-seok criticized Cho Geung-seop, who insisted on simhapligi from the perspective of simjeokli. In addition, their theories of mind leads to problems of perception, such as whether to see perception as a Gi or a Li. If Cho Geung-seop could be said to have interpreted the perception of deliberation as spiritual Gi, then Kwak Jong-seok interpreted the perception as spiritual Li. According to Cho Geung-seop, the perception of mind is possible due to "spiritual Gi," and at this time, the action of spiritual Gi is the perception of the mind. In the end, there is a perception action corresponding to spiritual Gi. Thereby, the mind should not be interpreted directly as a Li in Kwak Jong-seok's theory. According to Kwak Jong-seok, perception is possible by applying the novelty of Li to the mind. The perception of mind is not the action of spiritual Gi as it is in Cho Geung-seop's model, but it is rather the result of spiritual Li making it new. Accordingly, Kwak Jong-seok criticized Cho Geung-seop for not knowing simjeokli properly because he understood the perception of mind as an action of Gi.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
• /
• v.14 no.4
• /
• pp.1871-1876
• /
• 2013

In this study, we developed and characterized the shielding properties of dose reduction fiber (DRF, Buffalo Co.) sheet during brain and chest CT examinations. The DRF sheet was composed of $1{\sim}500{\mu}m$ oxide Bismuth ($Bi_2O_3$) and 5 ~ 50 nm nano-barium sulfate ($BaSO_4$). Phantom and clinical studies were performed for characterization of the DRF shielding properties. In clinical study, we measured doses of eye, chest, abdomen and reproductive system of 60 patients in 3 hospitals during brain and chest CT examinations. We could determined the shielding effect of the DRF by comparing the doses when we used the DRF sheet or not. When we used the sheet during CT examination, the scattered dose were reduced about 20~50%. So, we suggest that the fiber should be used in radiological examinations for reducing patients doses.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.69
• /
• pp.481-507
• /
• 2017

The petition movement to Paris peace conference was the movement for 137 Neo-Confucian scholars including Kwak Jong-seok to ask for Korean independence in March, 1919. Kim Bok-han had led all the course of Ho-seo version. Although we don't know the exact contents on the both of Yeong-nam and Ho-seo versions, but Ho-seo version might be more conservative than Yeong-nam version in comparison with other versions. This was because Ho-seo version basically represented the conservative stance of the Neo-Confucian scholars in Ho-seo (Southern Chung-cheong province). However although Ho-seo version had conservative characteristic, the projecting and practicing of petition movement to Paris peace conference shows Kim Bok-han's active attitude. What I would like to explain in this paper is the background of how spontaneously Kim led the movement. Especially I tried to make Kim's historical status be revealed through talking the idealogical history of Neo-Confucianism ignored until now. Although Kim received blames he behaved with barbarians when he led the petition movement from the conservatives, Kim never submitted on those blames. Kim's tolerant attitude was prominent in relation with Hwa-seo school against which Nam-dang school(Kim's party) was a rival, especially from also after 'the problem of Choe Ik-hyeon' in 1903. This attitude was connected to the petition movement in tolerant manner. The tolerant attitude like this was revealed from Kim's historical consciousness attached importance to 'the completion of work'.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.41
• /
• pp.385-406
• /
• 2010

Lee Byeong-hun was introduced to Hanjuhak when he was taught by Myeonwoo Gwak Jong-seok. It is assumed that Hanjuhak circles had a certain influence on formation of his ideas in that they had liberal tendency at that time. Lee Byeong-hun accepted Geummungyonghak developed by Gang Yu-wee of China and participated in Confucian Science Movement while excluding Confucianism. After he accepted western civilization and the ideas of Gang Yu-wee, no traces of Hanjuhak was found in his writing, but it is assumed that Hanjuhak might work as a nutritious element for his ideas. He thought that religious nature of Confucianism could be revived only when he left Neo-confucianism which changed Confucianism into a philosophy by insisting reason instead of God. So, he respected Confucius as a religious founder and left such concepts as reason and respect which were considered important in Neo-confucianism and valued disposition and faith in "Jungyong", a doctrine of the Mean. He considered Confucianism as religious and joined in religious practices such as praying and reciting scriptures. He insisted that filial piety indicates a filial son of the Heaven when interpreting the following passage: Shun (Chinese leader) is a filial duty, which is assumed that he was influenced by Christianity. He respected Confucius as the only religious founder and God as the God to make Confucianism a religion. It is believed that he considered only Confucius as a founder instead of traditional Confucian sages as religion such as Buddhism and Christianity has one founder. God he thought is related with the God in Christianity and furthermore accepted reincarnation of Buddhism which is contrary to Confucian ideas. According to "Gyeongseol" by Lee Byeong-hun, it was believed that he was engaged in religion based on a faith that Confucianism is a religion rather than he pursued Confucianism as a religion to find out a way of its survival.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.54
• /
• pp.9-42
• /
• 2017

It is as necessary as ever to make constant efforts to overcome the regional strife between the eastern and western parts of Korea and come to a mutual understanding. To achieve this, we must endeavor to correct Korean people's distorted understanding of the history of Korean philosophical thoughts. Ordinary Koreans commonly and mistakenly associate the academic circles of Korean Neo-Confucianism with certain regions by which to divide them into Giho School and Yongnam School and then go as far as associating the schools and parties and pegging them 'Namin'(南人) to refer to as the followers of Yongnam School and 'Seoin'(西人) as the followers of Giho School. Such false notions must be corrected. During the reign of King Seonjo, political factions of Joseon were split into Yongnam and Giho, or East and West. At the time, the two cardinal directions East and West were only used to refer to the eastern and western parts of Seoul, and not Yeongnam(East) and Giho(West) of the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, the factional split at the time has nothing to do with regional cleavages. In fact, a majority of scholars representing Korean Neo-Confucianism maintained a friendly relationship regardless of the school, party, and region. Many leading scholars in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty namely Jo Sik(曺植)/Seong Woon(成運), Lee Hwang(李滉)/Ki DeaSeung(奇大升), Lee Hwang(李滉)/Lee Yi(李珥), Noh Susin (盧守愼)/Lee Yi, the ones in the late Joseon Dynasty -Jeong Gyeong Se(鄭經 世)/Kim Jang-Saeng(金長生), Jeong Gyeong Se(鄭經世)/Song Joon Gil(宋浚吉), and also those at the end of the Joseon Dynasty such as Kwak JongSeok(郭鍾錫) and Kim BokHan(金福漢) deeply respected each other and had a close friendship rooted in their academic commitment. The friendship between the leaders of Giho and Yongnam is a testimony to the high level of their character, academic achievement, and intellect. More than ever, such intangible intellectual and cultural resources drawn from Korean tradition must be utilized to the fullest. From this point on, we need to further promote the friendship and mutual understanding the scholars of Yongnam(Gyeongsang-do), Gyeonggi, Honam (Jeolla-do), and Hoseo(Chungcheong-do) enjoyed, and use them as a cognitive basis for harmony between the eastern and western parts of the country. These invaluable assets can be specifically used in the promotion of exchange between the local autonomous governments of the regions where above-mentioned scholars built an amicable relationship, joint commemorative events, exchange between families of the scholars of both regions, opening of special exhibitions dedicated to the harmony between Yongnam and Giho at museums in the two regions, co-organization of local festivals, joint operation of culture programs, and relationship and exchange between the 'seowons' in both regions, through which to promote the long history of exchange between the scholars of the past and utilize it in joint projects.