• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.115-126
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to understand the utility of election campaign advertising by applying Q methodology that draw upon schematic model in subjectivity study. A survey was carried out among college students to classify the 16 selected Q-statements into a normal distribution using a 7 point scale. The collected data was analyzed using QUANL program, and principal component analysis using varimax rotation was used to identify the types of perceived utility of election campaign advertising. Type I can be categorized by a strong concern for the advertising technique improvement, Type II can be categorized by advocating for interest induction and Type III can be categorized by the truth inducement. The use of Q methodology provides insights into audience perceptions on the utility of election campaign advertising that would not be available through traditional methodologies and offers a foundation for audience involvement to address and overcome concerns about the utility of advertising for election campaign.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.145-153
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• 2018

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.189-196
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• 2021

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.53
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• pp.337-374
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• 2017

Wer wegen eines Wahldelikts zu Geldstrafe von mehr als 1 Million Won verurteilt wird, verliert nach ${\S}$ 18 Abs. 1 Satz 3, ${\S}$ 19 Satz 1, ${\S}$ 266 des Koreanischen Wahlgesetzes $f{\ddot{u}}r$ die Dauer von $f{\ddot{u}}nf$ Jahren die $F{\ddot{a}}higkeit$, ${\ddot{o}}ffentliche$ ${\ddot{A}}mter$ zu bekleiden und Rechte aus ${\ddot{o}}ffentlichen$ Wahlen. Bei Verurteilung zu Freiheitsstrafe wegen eines Wahldelikts ${\ddot{A}}mter$ sich die Dauer des Verlusts der $Amtsf{\ddot{a}}higkeit$ und des aktiven bzw. passiven Walhrechts auf 10 Jahre. Dies erfolgt kraft Gesetzes. Das $hei{\ss}t$, dass die Entscheidung ${\ddot{u}}ber$ das Ob und die Dauer des Verlusts nicht im Ermessen des Gerichts steht. Allerdings sollte $diesbez{\ddot{u}}glich$ nicht verkannt werden, dass ein deratriger Entzug von $Amtsf{\ddot{a}}higkeit$, $W{\ddot{a}}hlbarkeit$ u.s.w., mit dem eine Straftat geahndet werden soll, selber von Natur aus eine Art Strafen darstellt. Der im ${\S}$ 41 des Koreanischen StGB geregelte Strafen-Katalog $enth{\ddot{a}}lt$ $n{\ddot{a}}mlich$ eine zeitlich begrenzte Aberkennung des oben genannten ${\ddot{o}}ffentliche$n Rechtsstatus als eine Art Ehrenstrafen. Nicht einleuchtend ist, warum das Wesen der Sanktion $gem{\ddot{a}}{\ss}$ ${\S}$ 18 Abs. 1 Satz 3, ${\S}$ 19 Satz 1, ${\S}$ 266 des Koreanischen Wahlgesetzes, die den gleichen Zweck und die gleiche Rechtsfolge wie die im ${\S}$ 41 des Koreanischen StGB geregelte Ehrenstrafe hat, nicht als Strafe aufgefasst werden sollte. Handelt es sich bei der oben genannten Sanktion um eine Art Ehrenstrafen, so stellt sich die Anforderung, sie je nach der Eigenart der begangenen Tat bzw. des $T{\ddot{a}}ters$ zu individualisieren. Das Gebot der Individualisierung der Strafen, welches $haupts{\ddot{a}}chlich$ vom materiellen Rechtsstaatsprinzip ableitbar ist, kann im Grunde nur verwirklicht werden, wenn das Gericht dazu befugt ist, unter $Ber{\ddot{u}}cksichtigung$ der konkreten $Umst{\ddot{a}}nde$ jedes Einzelfalls ${\ddot{u}}ber$ eine angemessene Strafe zu befinden. Somit ist der kraft Gesetzes eintretenden Verlust der $Amtsf{\ddot{a}}higkeit$ und der $W{\ddot{a}}hlbarkeit$ nur schwer mit dem Gebot der Individualisierung der Strafen vereinbar. Es $w{\ddot{a}}re$ deshalb $w{\ddot{u}}nschenswert$, wenn der Gesetzgeber eine Reform in Betracht ziehen $w{\ddot{u}}rde$, welche den Ersatz des kraft Gesetzes automatisch eintretenden Entzugs der $Amtsf{\ddot{a}}higkeit$ bzw. des Wahlrechts durch die gerichtliche fakultative Aberkennung von diesen Statusrechten beinhaltet.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.149-156
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• 2013

In this paper, the Constitutional Court's ruling through the SNS was virtually guaranteed the freedom of election campaign through, though, still a large portion of campaign restrictions on public election law provisions exist to this forward in the election is likely to cause a lot of legal problems. In this paper, the Constitutional Court's ruling through the SNS was virtually guaranteed the freedom of election campaign through, though, still a large portion of campaign restrictions on public election law provisions exist to this forward in the election is likely to cause a lot of legal problems. Moreover, in the mean time the campaign and which in the course of the election campaign through the SNS, the infinite potential of the growing point than any point spread from the SNS and freedom of election campaign through public election law with regard to the limitation of the diffusion of false facts, awards, a number of problems are likely to occur. You've been in this business and disseminate false guilt disparage precandidacy for true-false, as well. He should be able to reach a specific goal you want to defeat through the dissemination of information which is specified as a crime for this strictly for the fact that disseminate false, rather than to interpret it is the judgment of the Court in that judgment against have been made. Therefore, this strict interpretation of the law and the need to revise or delete before I would like to discuss about. The legislation would repeal the cull of Ron sang first of all point out the issue through analytics. First, the purpose of the data protection Act provides limited interpretation to fit in this world of sin. Secondly, this sin is committed for the purpose of prevention, since the purpose of the objective in this case of sin and the need to interpret strictly. Why I am the Internet space in the case of so-called tweets from followers, this means in some cases done without a lot of the stars because of this, there will be a limit to the punishment of sin, this is obvious. And, in the long-awaited Constitutional Court ensures the freedom of election campaign through SNS and free election in the country, even in the limited sense interpretation opens the chapter of communication is needed. This ensured the freedom of expression will be highly this is a mature civil society that will be imperative.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.13-22
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• 2013

With increase of Korean economy scale and globalization, permanent alien residents in Korea are increasing day by day. Living in Korea, they maintain their original nationalities, but their life in Korea is greatly affected by political decision made by Korea. It has been taken for granted that foreigners's suffrage were not recognized due to national sovereignty. The claim that foreigners should not be allowed to participate in government has constantly been met with counterargument on the basis of instability of sovereignty principle, trends of advanced countries, intrinsic differences between federal and regional governments, or actual state of foreigners. It is unreasonable to deal with foreigners' suffrage and eligibility for election differently in that the current public offices election law does not allow foreigners to be eligible for election without any special reason while allowing foreigners to vote in the local election. It is discrimination against foreigners not to allow foreigners to be eligible for election when there is no rationale to differently deal with foreigners' suffrage and eligibility for election. This paper deals with constitutional argument regarding foreigners' electoral eligibility, takes a look at legislative cases of Japanese and European countries, and examines possibilities of including foreigners' eligibility for election in our public offices election law.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.371-389
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• 2014

This study aims to analyze the redistricting problems in non-autonomous Gu. Although non-autonomous Gu is a just local administrative district, it has been regarded as an important and basic spatial unit in electoral redistricting. By the reform of Public Official Election Act in 2012, however, non-autonomous Gu is distinguished from local governments like Si, Gun and autonomous Gu, in boundary delimitation for the 19th National Assembly election, and some are divided into a part of another constituency. About these background, this study points out the following problems. First, in national scale, the reform of Act made the malapportionment in constituencies of non-autonomous Gus, comparing with those of local governments. Second, there was the discriminative application of Act in each non-autonomous Gu and it will make the malapportionment worse in next election, considering the reorganization of local administrative system. Finally, this study propose that it is necessary to select one from a variety of redistricting principles, especially between the prevention of gerrymandering, the representativeness of local government and the apportionment, prior to another amendment of redistricting system and the debate about political reform.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.397-414
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• 2016

There will be coming soon a sequence of the so-called election season in Korea. That is the 20th session of general elections and the 19th presidential election which are taking place one after another. When we talk about presidential candidate, we may realize that the choice were relied upon candidate's facial appearance and speech, voice, dress, and so on. One poll showed that capacity and policy were ranked high and figure and image were ranked next by asking "what is the most important factor when you vote for the president?" This study looked into the candidate's face of a newly elected public office through the election voting. I studied how the factors of sex and beauty may affect on the election results. I analyse survey of candidate's photo on the election leaflets. Analyzed result said that candidate's competency and trust have strong relations in the voting choice rather than beauty even if it is statistically significant. I also find that both beauty and competency are positively interrelated.

• Journal of Environmental Impact Assessment
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.51-64
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• 2013

정부 주도의 대규모 개발사업은 개발과 환경보전이라는 가치관의 차이, 개발로 인한 공익과 환경 파괴로 인한 환경이익 침해와 같은 공익 간의 상충, 사업으로 예상되는 국익과 개인의 재산권 침해 등과 같은 문제를 초래하는 경우가 많았다. 그럼에도 불구하고 정부는 개발정책과 계획을 수립하고 개발사업을 집행하는 과정에서 발생되는 자연훼손이나 환경파괴, 경제적 타당성, 사회적 문제 등을 객관적이고 과학적으로 조사하거나 제대로 검증하지 않아 갈등이 빈번하게 발생하였다. 이러한 갈등을 해결하기 위한 기존의 연구는 대개 갈등의 원인을 이해관계, 가치관, 사실관계, 제도 측면에서 규명하고 해결방안으로 주로 주민참여와 거버넌스, 전략환경평가, 사회영향평가 등을 제시하였다. 본 연구에서는 한국에서 1980년대 중반이후 주요 개발갈등사례를 개발사업 종류, 갈등당사자, 갈등 쟁점, 갈등 원인, 선거공약 여부, 소송 여부에 따라 정리한 후, 갈등 예방과 해소를 위한 법과 제도를 고찰하였다. 그리고 선거공약 또는 개발정책 및 계획안 구상단계, 개발정책 및 개발계획 수립 단계, 개발사업 시행단계, 갈등 분쟁 발생단계 등으로 구분하여 갈등예방 및 해소방안을 제시하였다. 선거공약 단계에서는 공직선거법상 선거공약서 규정에 국가재정법상 예비타당성분석을 도입하고, 개발정책 및 개발계획 수립단계에서는 전략환경평가와 갈등영향평가의 연계, 전략환경평가과정에 사회영향평가 및 주민참여의 강화, 환경계획과 개발계획의 연계 등을 제시하였다. 개발사업 시행 단계에서는 환경영향평가 과정에서의 주민참여를 강화하고, 개발사업 시행단계에서 갈등이 발생하는 경우 거버넌스 구축과 환경분쟁조정법, 공공기관의 갈등예방과 해결에 관한 규정 등을 근거로 하는 갈등해소방안을 제시하였다.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.4
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• pp.137-162
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• 2007

In democracy basic rights such as political equality and participation through elections have been respected, opportunities of corporation and opposition have been guaranteed, and ability of self-learning and self-correction have been developed. These positive factors give preconditions for the welfare development in the democratic state. Because in this state adults get the suffrage and the open competition for official positions induces political parties use social policies as means to win the election. That is to say, political parties have an incentive to use various social policies to win the election. Democracy, therefore, has affinity with social policy. The affinity between democracy and social policy can be found also in Korea which was democratized in 1987. But, in Korea, the positive relationship between democracy and social policy is very weak due to the problem of constitutional structures. Korean Parliament usually enacts abstract social act and delegates the right to fill concrete contents of the social acts to the executive. Delegation itself has no problem, but excessive delegation is a problem since the executive can overuse its discretion as sacrificing the social rights of the citizen. In addition social consensus could not be achieved in this constitutional structures, which are a obstacle to establishing a political process in the Parliament to promote the welfare development through party competition. Excessive delegation should be reduced, and the Parliament should fill concrete contents of the social acts as exercising its legislative power more. Then a mechanism of welfare development can be launched in Korea.