• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.59-80
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• 2022

The purpose of this study was to develop a workbook that can support the class and evaluation of the subject, 「Food safety and health」 and to verify its validity. The development direction of the workbook was set by analyzing the 「Food safety and health」 curriculum, dietary education materials, and previous studies related to the workbook, and the overall structure was designed by deriving the activity ideas for each area. Based on this, the draft was developed, and the draft went through several rounds of cross-review by the authors and the examination and revision by the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety, before the final edited version was developed. The workbook was finalized with corrections and enhancements based on the advice of 9 experts and 44 home economics teachers. The workbook consists of 4 areas: the 'food selection' area, with 10 learning topics and 36 lessons, the 'food poisoning and food management' area, with 10 learning topics and 36 lessons, the 'cooking' area, with 11 learning topics and 43 lessons, and the 'healthy eating' area, with 11 learning topics and 55 lessons, resulting in a total of 42 learning topics, 170 lessons. The workbook was designed to evenly cultivate practical problem-solving competency, self-reliance capacity, creative thinking capacity, and community capacity. In-depth inquiry-learning is conducted on the content, and the context is structured so that self-diagnosis can be made through evaluation. According to the validity test of the workbook, it was evaluated to be very appropriate for encouraging student-participatory classes and evaluations, and to create a class atmosphere that promotes inquiry by strengthening experiments and practices. In the current situation where the high school credit system is implemented and individual students' learning options are emphasized, the results of this study is expected to help expand the scope of home economics-based elective courses and contribute to realizing student-led classrooms with a focus on inquiry.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.147-181
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• 2021

Dalgubal drum dance is inherited in a recreated form by incorporating regional symbolism and the dance philosophy and artisticity of Young Hwangbo, the creator, based on the traditional drum dance of the Yeongnam region. This dance having popularity with the transformation of traditional Korean culture has been invited not only to Yeongnam region including Daegu but also to international various venues. This study explores what the movement characteristics of this Dalgubal drum dance are and the unique charm and symbolic meaning of this dance. Specific analysis was conducted through analyzing Dalgubal drum dance video film of the 89th Korean Myeongmujeon's by using Laban Movement Analysis as a research method. The special features of this dance resulted from the LMA analysis in terms of the four categories-Body, Effort, Shape, and Space-reveal simple yet cheerful personalities and strong yet patient characteristics of the people in Daegu. The harmony of drum sounds(music) and movements(dance) creates various characteristics of dances and reveals the beauty and excitement of unique Korean dance. In particular, drum play and its related dance movements create curved linear spatial pattern of arm movements, Spiral Shape in body posture, and diverse floor patterns occupying whole stage space. These movements show the three-dimensional spatial beauty and the artistic ideas for recreation of traditional drum dance, which considered with the spatial structure of the proscenium stage. In addition, the well-organized structure and harmonious movements of this dance show the traditional Korean philosophy, implying heaven, earth, and human being and the wholeness, and the harmony of yin and yang. The dance aims at communication between the audiences and dancers through sharing excitement and the aesthetic beauty of dance. This can be interpreted as a meaningful expression of traditional Korean philosophy developed with the unique value and characteristics of Korean dance.

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.77
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• pp.73-112
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• 2010

This study aims to explore the character and problem of multicultural society in Korea in terms of the concept of moral panics. Its major issues are dealt with as follows: Firstly, this essay will apply two concepts of culture in multiculturalism - the pattern of meaning and a study of perfection- to three degrees of multicultural members: by individual, by groups and by a society as a whole. In this approach, moral panics of multicultural society in Korea have been manipulated by the secondary definitions like Korean government and media. In this study, however, the resource of the panics would be seen as nationalism in Korean history. To remove it in this essay, the conception of the pattern of meaning, which makes members understand others outer their norms, should be harmonized with that of a study of perfection by which they have identities. Secondly, the main subject of multiculturalism in Korea should at least be majority (groups)-Korean, not minority (groups)-foreigners. A stereotype of foreigners by majority is an image distorted by nationalities and races. People, for example, with the white skin from advanced countries are recognized as superior, while those born in the countries of Southeast Asia are, consciously or unconsciously, discriminated and have low positions due to socio-economic stratification in Korea. In this sense, a study of multicultural society in Korea should go forward to the inner direction to majority, because it is one of the real moral panics in Korea. In conclusion, it is important that there must be a study of identity which we can have of others in multicultural studies of Korea. It enables us to meet the conception of diversity. In that Korean government and media have neglected the danger of nationalism, it is also necessary that this study have any foundation of morality in ethics, which can give useful alternatives to the given polices of the secondary definitions.

• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.105-137
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• 2012

After relationship marketing emerged as a new approach in the marketing field in the 1980s, it has been widely studied in the United States, Europe and Asia. Rapid environmental changes and global competition has made it inevitable for companies to consider their relationships with the environment more closely. Under these circumstances, relationship marketing has held a position as a pivotal paradigm in the field of strategy as well as in marketing. In addition, relationship marketing has overcome the limitations of a traditional marketing research while providing richer implications in company's marketing activities. The paradigm shift to relationship marketing has brought fundamental changes in a marketing point of view. First, in philosophical aspects, unlike past research which focused solely on customer satisfaction, organizational relationship parameters which focuses on trust and commitment has become key elements of successful relationship marketing while shifts in thoughts naturally take place from adaptive marketing to strategic marketing. Second, in structural aspects, the relational mechanism of governance such as network structure with a variety of relational partners has emerged as a new marketing organization from the previous simple structure focusing on the micro-economic, marketbased trading between seller and customer. Third, in behavioral aspects, it proposed the strategic course of the action of gaining an advantage over the competition on the individual firm level by focusing on building long-term relationships and considering partnership with the components in the entire marketing system, rather than with one-time transaction-centric action between a seller and a customer. Fourth, in the aspects of marketing performance, marketing performance was sought through the long-term and cooperative relationship with various stakeholders, including customers in the marketing system, focusing on the overall competitive advantage based on relationship rather than individual performance of individual companies' marketing activities, such as market share and customer satisfaction. However, studies of relationship marketing were mostly centered in interorganizational relationships focusing on the relational structure and properties of commercial sector in the marketing system. Paradoxically, the circumstance of the consumer's side that must be considered is evolving again in relationship marketing. In structural aspects, a community, as the new relationship governance structure in the digital environment, and in behavioral aspects, the changing role of consumer participation demanding big changes in the digital environment engaged in the marketing system. The possibility of building a relationship marketing community for common value creation is presented in terms of organization of consumers with the focus on changing marketing environment and marketing system according to the new realities of the 21st century- the popularity of digital environments and the diffusion of customer participation. Therefore, future research of relationship marketing must seek for a truly integrated model including all of the existing structure and properties of the research oriented relationship from both the commercial and consumer sector.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.127-152
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• 2012

The research investigates the attitudes toward children among mothers young children and maternal grandmothers, focusing specifically on the ideal number of children, gender preference, old age security and positive and negative values of children. A total of 442 respondents, consisting of 221 young mothers (average age of 35) and 221 maternal grandmothers (average age of 63) completed a questionnaire developed by Kim, Park and Kwon (2005). The reliability of the scales ranged from Cronbach α of .78 to .91. The results are as follows. First, as for the ideal number of children, young mothers reported that they would prefer two children, while grandmothers reported that they would prefer four children. As for the ideal number of male child, young mothers reported that they would prefer that they would prefer one son, while grandmothers reported two sons. Second, as for the gender of the child, young mothers did not show a gender preference, while grandmothers stated that at least one child should be a son, especially if it is the only child. Third, grandmothers had higher expectation of old age security in their male child than young mothers but two groups did not show any difference for the female child. Fourth, as for positive values of children, young mothers were more likely to emphasize personal aspects (i.e., psychological pleasure and happiness) and family cohesiveness, while grandmothers were more likely to emphasize social aspects (i.e., continuing the family line and old age security. As for negative values of children, young mothers were more likely to emphasize personal aspects (i.e., parental role and responsibility), while grandmothers were more likely to emphasize social aspects (i.e., family conflict and relationship). Fifth, as for factors that influenced the number of children that they decided to have, young mothers were more likely to report negative values of children (i.e., financial constraints), while grandmothers were more likely to emphasize positive values of children (i.e., continuing the family line).

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.3
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• pp.1-11
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• 2013

This study investigated Chinese Laws on the kind of urban green spaces and the legal requirements for the green spaces of urban habitat and analyzed the specificities of them intending to provide basic data to suggest bringing in or not the relevant Chinese Laws to Korea. This study can be summarized as follows: First, the concept of Chinese urban green spaces(g.s.) classified by 5 kinds(park g.s., production g.s., protection g.s., attachment g.s., the others g.s.) placed the park and green spaces in the same category unlike the Korean urban green spaces that only distinguishes between park and green spaces. The Chinese Urban Park is classified by 4 kinds(composite park, community park, special park, linear park) at the 'Standard for urban green spaces classification' which is below in rank of the legal system. Second, in case of calculation for green spaces ratio of urban green spaces in China, the green rooftop landscaping area should not be included as a green spaces area except the rooftop of a basement or semi basement building to which residents have easy access. The green spaces requirements and compulsory secure ratio by 3 habitat kinds(habitat, small habit, minimum habitat) of when to act as a residential plan is regulated. Third, the green spaces system is obligated to establish at habitat green spaces plan and is specified to conserve and improve existing trees and green spaces. The green spaces ratio on reconstruction for old habitat is relaxed to be lower than for new habitat and a gradient of green spaces is peculiarly clarified. The details and requirements for establishment and the minimum area intending for each classes of the central green spaces(habitat park, children park, minimum habitat's green spaces) are regulated. Especially at a garden style of minimum habitat's green spaces, intervals between the south and north houses and a compulsory security for green spaces area classifying into two groups(closing type green spaces and open type green spaces) by a middle-rise or high-rise building are clarified. System of calculation for green spaces area is presented at a special regulation. Fourth, a general index(area/person) of public green spaces within habitat to achieve by 3 habitat kinds is determined, in this case, the index on reconstruction for a deterioration zone can be relaxed to be lower to the extent of a specified quantity. A location and scale, minimum width and minimum area per place of public green spaces are regulated. A space plot principle including adjacent to a road, greening area ratio against total area, security of open space and the shadow line boundary of sunshine are also regulated to intend for public green spaces. Fifth, the minimum horizontal distance between the underground cables and the surrounding greening trees are regulated as the considerable items for green spaces when setting up the underground cables. The principle to establish green spaces within public service facilities is regulated according to the kind of service contents. It shall be examined in order to import or not the special regulations that only exist in Chinese Laws but not in Korean Laws. The result of this study will contribute to gain the domestic landscape architect's' sympathy of the research related to Chinese urban green spaces laws requiring immediate attention and will be a good chance to advance into the internationalization of Korean Landscape Architectural Laws.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.