• 한국노년학
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.1665-1683
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• 2009

The purpose of this study is to examine what the formation of a community incorporating two generations of people can give the elderly and the problems which are associated with establishing related programs of this kind. For this, the researcher enacted ethnographic method like as observant participation and in-depth interview on 24 participants. From this study, I found that the elderly and the children who took part in several programs to form the intergenerational linkages made the system meaningful in the following ways: first, the more harmonious the communication across between two age groups is, the more the understanding between them increases. Second, the sense of community has intensified the natural harmony. Third, the more self-satisfaction and confidence increases, the more self-efficacy is enhanced. Fourth, the purposeful and creative activities with peers have enabled the elderly to enjoy their leisure time. Fifth, the elderly have experienced the pleasure of learning and sharing common sense as a life-long learners. However, in the process of this program, several problems occurred such as the rigidly bureaucratic operation of the program and the elderly people's individual differences. In addition, the lack of a precisely-existing program necessary to form the intergenerational linkages and to bring together different generations was a problem. Finally, I have concluded that the effort to form the intergenerational linkages helps increase the understanding and cooperation across age groups and contributes to the successful aging of the elderly.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.125-159
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• 2020

Amid global pandemic of covid-19, Korean government's response has drawn wide attention among social scientists as well as medical studies. The role of Korean state and civil society has attracted particular attention among others. Yet, this paper criticizes extant studies on Korean case which focus on the extensive intervention of the strong state and subjective attitude of Korean citizens in coping with covid-19. The concept of the strong state lacks social scientific specification and subjective citizens do not match with Korean realities. This article argues that Korean state's capacity in collecting and mobilizing digital data may offer better understanding for the successful responses to the pandemic. First, Korean state is the ultimate coordinator in collecting, analyzing and applying big data about the expansion of covid-19 with its huge network of dataveillance. Also, such role has been largely based upon relevant legal framework and well prepared manuals and cooperation with civic actors and companies. In other words, Korean digital dataveillance had demonstrated its transparency and cooperative governance. Second, such dataveillance capacity has deep roots in the long-term development of Korean state's big data management. Korean state has evolved about thirty years while enhancing digital data network within governments, companies and private sectors. Third, the relationship between Korean state's dataveillance and civil society can be characterized as a state centered push model. This model demonstrates highly effective governmental responses to covid-19 crisis but fall short of building social consensus in balancing individual freedom, human rights and effective containment policies. It means communitarian solidarity among citizens has not been a major factor in Korea's successful response yet.

• Clinical and Experimental Reproductive Medicine
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.25-33
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• 2006

Objective: The aim of this study was to investigate whether embryonic stem (ES) cells can be established from isolated blastomeres of mouse embryos. Methods: Blastomeres were separated from mouse (C57Bl/6J) 2- or 4-cell embryos. Isolated blastomeres or whole 4-cell embryos were co-cultured with mitosis-arrested STO feeder cells in DMEM supplemented with recombinant murine leukemia inhibitory factor and ES-qualified fetal bovine serum. After the tentative ES cell lines were maintained from isolated blastomeres or whole embryos, some of them were frozen and the others were sub-cultured continually. Characteristics of tentative ES cell lines as were evaluated for specific genes expressions with immunocytochemistry and RT-PCR. Results: One ES cell line (3.0%) was established from isolated blastomere of 2-cell embryo and one cell line (4.0%) from isolated two blastomeres of 4-cell embryo. And five cell lines (16.7%) were established from whole 4-cell embryos. Both cell lines from isolated blastomere and whole embryo expressed mouse ES cell specific markers such as SSEA-1, Oct-4 and alkaline phosphatase. Marker genes of three germ layers were expressed from embryoid bodies of both cell lines. Conclusion: This study suggests that mouse ES cells could be established from isolated blastomeres, although the efficiency is lower than whole embryos. This animal model could be applied to establishment of autologous human ES cells from biopsied blastomeres of preimplantation embryos in human IVF-ET program.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.146-157
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• 2006

Causal relationship means what relations the result occurred have with a fact as a reason. In general, a formular that no result exists without reasons is used for the method to confirm existence and inexistence of causal relationship. Problematic causal relationships in Private Law are reparations (Article No. 393 of Private Law) due to debt nonfulfillment and reparation due to tort (Application of Article No. 393 by Article No. 750, and No. 763 of Private Law). The purpose pursued by reparation system in private law is to promote equal burden of damages, and the range of reparation at this time is decided by the range of damage and the range of damage is decided by the principle of causal relationship. That the causal relationship theory fairly causes confusion by treating one problem and the other problem as the same thing, instead of dividing them according to the purpose of protection presented by the law is a reason of the criticism from different views.

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.55
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• pp.167-191
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• 2018

Despite international cooperation, piracy has not yet been eradicated in major waters around the world. From the perspective of South Korea, which is absolutely dependent on exporting and importing, it's a lifeline for us to secure safe maritime traffic so it is a situation we have to be vigilant about maritime safety and security. However, criminal law on punishment of piracy is still insufficient and legislative consideration is needed. Since pirates are regarded as enemies of humankind, all nations can punish pirates regardless of their damage. The international community has done its best in cooperation from hundreds of years ago to secure maritime trade through this universal jurisdiction and marine transportation in international waters which is an essential space for military activities, particularly in the Gulf of Aden, the advanced nations have dispatched fleets to combat maritime security threats through joint operations to crack down on Somali pirates. Even if universal jurisdiction is allowed for piracy in accordance with the International Convention on Human Rights and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, it is difficult to effectively deal with piracy if it not fully complied with a domestic legal system for this purpose or is stipulated as different from international regulations. In other words, universal jurisdiction corresponding to international norms and constitution of piracy should be defined in criminal law in accordance with criminal statutory law. If the punishment of pirates by unreasonably applying our criminal law without prejudice to such work can lead to diplomatic disputes in violation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights or other international norms. In South Korea, there is no provision to explicitly prescribe piracy as a crime, but punish similar acts like piracy in criminal law and maritime safety law. However, there is a limit to effective piracy punishment because we are not fully involved in internationally accepted piracy. In this study, we critically examine the proposals of the constitutional elements of piracy, propose the legislative direction, and insist on the introduction of globalism to pirate sins.

• East European & Balkan Studies
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• v.35
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• pp.153-186
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• 2013

Literature has been special for the Polish who suffered from the numerous invasions from surrounding countries for her geographical location at the center of Europe. In the late 18th century at a time when Poland was divided and ruled by Russia, Prussia and Austria, literature played an important role in uniting Poland. During the 2nd world war in which Poland was occupied by the Soviet Union and by Germany, and during the Cold War period under socialism system(1948~1989), the Polish literature was in the front to keep unique national culture with overseas migration community at the center. The Polish Diaspora literature from 19th century up to now has naturally embodied national sufferings from foreign powers in their literary tradition linked to the problem of 'migration'. In addition, they belong to other cultural sphere, but keep their own unique identity, which is similar to Korean Diaspora literature to a great degree. This study has two stages. In the first stage, it figures out the formation and trend of the Polish Diaspora literature followed by their meaning in the history of Polish literature. In the second stage, specific texts (two dramas) are analyzed before and after system transition in 1989. * Before system transition: S. Mrożek, Emigranci (1974), * After system transition: J. Głowacki, Antygona w Nowym Yorku (1992) Mrożek and Głowacki had themselves migration experiences with high achievement and recognition in literature not only in Poland but also in the world. In their works, hardships as 'strangers' in foreign countries, emotional wandering and agony, nostalgia to lost home land and exploration of identity were described vividly. By comparing the 2 literature texts, this study attempts to trace the change of Diaspora consciousness which Polish migrants experienced in foreign countries with different political system like socialism and capitalism.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.223-252
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• 2011

If we remember that modern world history has built systems of meaning through the concepts "difference," "different," and "other-ness" and has constructed new identity based on opposing hierarchy, music anthropology which tried to build "difference" between the west and the non-west was thoroughly west -centered, in the sense that it has perceived the heterogeneous symbolic systems among nations, as well as the barrier between the two cultures. On the other hand, world music, which has emerged as the most attractive field in culture industry and concert-art-market by crossing over global capitals, markets, and barriers, can be considered the most post-modernist and glocal. However, it is interesting to note that world music, which has been described as post-modern and glocal, has "difference" and "different" in its basis, just like the precepts for modern music anthropology (Meintjes 1990; Guilbault 1993; Taylor 1997; Frith 2000; Feld 1988). Furthermore, one can understand that the "different" and "difference," generally termed as being "non-western," are fundamentally based on ethnic or national imagination. In this sense it is interesting and important to examine such ethnic imagination in the "non-western ethnic musics" in music anthropology and in world music. Notwithstanding the attention paid and research made by music anthropologists, they have failed to elevate the "non-western ethnic musics" to become universally communicative, and these ethnic musics were reborn as "global" and "world music," through the process of "acculturation," "derivation," and "hybridization," with the west as major site for production and consumption. Meanwhile, the audience for world music, which did not exist before the birth of world music as a term, was now born as world music emerged. They are global populace who consume the musical "difference" and "imagined ethnicity," who through their consumption are constructing new social meanings including ethnicity, race, nation, and class identity. This study, by examining current discourse, performance, and process for the world music through media and field studies and scholarly debates, attempts to understand the production and consumption of "imagined ethnicity." This will also shed light on how "ethnicity" is created and consumed, and how this is involved in the process of world music.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Aviation and Aeronautics
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.38-53
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• 2007

In a seminal judgment of November 2002 (Case C-476/98) relating to the compatibility with Community laws of the 'nationality clause' in the 1996 amending protocol to the 1955 U.S.-German Air Services Agreement, the European Court of Justice(ECJ) decided that the provision constituted a measure of an intrinsically discriminatory nature and was thus contrary to the principle of national treatment established under Art. 52 of the EC Treaty. The Court, rejecting bluntly the German government' submissions relying on public policy grounds(Art. 56, EC Treaty), seemed content to declare and rule that the protocol provision requiring a contracting state party to ensure substantial ownership and effective control by its nationals of its designated airlines had violated the requirement of national treatment reserved for other Community Members under the salient Treaty provision. The German counterclaims against the Commission, although tantalizing not only from the perusal of the judgment but from the perspective of international air law, were nonetheless invariably correct and to the point. For such a clause has been justified to defend the 'fundamental interests of society from a serious threat' that may result from granting operating licenses or necessary technical authorizations to an airline company of a third country. Indeed, the nationality clause has been inserted in most of the liberal bilaterals to allow the parties to enforce their own national laws and regulations governing aviation safety and security. Such a clause is not targeted as a device for discriminating against the nationals of any third State. It simply acts as the minimum legal safeguards against aviation risk empowering a party to take legal control of the designated airlines. Unfortunately, the German call for the review of such a foremost objective and rationale underlying the nationality clause landed on the deaf ears of the Court which appeared quite happy not to take stock of the potential implications and consequences in its absence and of the legality under international law of the 'national treatment' requirement of Community laws. Again, while US law limits foreign shareholders to 24.9% of its airlines, the European Community limits non-EC ownership to 49%, precluding any ownership and effective control by foreign nationals of EC airlines, let alone any foreign takeover and merger. Given this, it appears inconsistent and unreasonable for the EC to demand, $vis-{\grave{a}}-vis$ a non-EC third State, national treatment for all of its Member States. The ECJ's decision was also wrongly premised on the precedence of Community laws over international law, and in particular, international air law. It simply is another form of asserting and enforcing de facto extraterritorial application of Community laws to a non-EC third country. Again, the ruling runs counter to an established rule of international law that a treaty does not, as a matter of principle, create either obligations or rights for a third State. Aside from the legal problems, the 'national treatment' may not be economically justified either, in light of the free-rider problem and resulting externalities or inefficiency. On the strength of international law and economics, therefore, airlines of Community Members other than the designated German and U.S. air carriers are neither eligible for traffic rights, nor entitled to operate between or 'free-ride' on the U.S. and German points. All in all and in all fairness, the European Court's ruling was nothing short of an outright condemnation of established rules and principles of international law and international air law. Nor is the national treatment requirement justified by the economic logic of deregulation or liberalization of aviation markets. Nor has the requirement much to do with fair competition and increased efficiency.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.101-120
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• 1999

The purpose of this study is to analyze the impact of agricultural polices on the change of regional structure based on the specialization during the productivism period. Analysis are carried on through the comparison of distribution in 1950s and 1997. Since the 1950s, governmental policy has played a leading role in shaping the pattern of farming in Great Britain. The range of British measures have also been employed in an attempt to improve the efficiency of agriculture and raise farm income. Three fairly distinct phase can be identified in the developing relationship between government policies and British agriculture in the postwar period. In the 1st phase, The Agricultural Act of 1947 laid the foundations for agricultural productivism in Great Britain until membership of the EC. This was to be achieved through the system of price support and guaranteed prices and the means of a series of grants and subsidies. Guaranteed prices encouraged farmenrs to intensify production and specialize in either cereal farming or milk-beef enterprise. The former favoured eastern areas, whereas the latter favoured western areas. Various grants and subsidies were made available to farmers during this period, again as a way of increasing efficiency and farm incomes. Many policies, such as Calf Subsidy and the Ploughing Grant, Hill cow and Hill Sheep Schemes and the Hill Farming and Livestock Rearing Grant was provided. Some of these policies favoured western uplands, whilst the others was biased towards the Lake District. Concentration of farms occured especially in near the London Metropolitan Area and south part of Scotland. In the 2nd stage after the membership of EC, very high guaranteed price created a relatively risk-free environment, so farmers intensified production and levels of self-sufficiency for most agriculture risen considerably. As farmers were being paid high prices for as much as they could produce, the policy favoured areas of larger-scale farming in eastern Britain. As a result of increasing regional disparities in agriculture, the CAP became more geographically sensitive in 1975 with the setting up of the Less Favoured Areas(LFAs). But they are biased towards the larger farms, because such farms have more crops and/or livestock, but small farms with low incomes are in most need of support. Specialization of cereals such wheat and barely was occured, but these two cereal crops have experienced rather different trend since 1950s. Under the CAP, farmers have been paid higher guaranteed prices for wheat than for barely because of the relative shortage of wheat in the EC. And more barely were cultivated as feedstuffs for livestock by home-grown cereals. In the 1950s dairying was already declining in what was to become the arable areas of southern and eastern England. By the mid-1980s, the pastral core had maintained its dominance, but the pastoral periphery had easily surpassed arable England as the second most important dairying district. Pig farming had become increasingly concentrated in intensive units in the main cereal areas of eastern England. These results show that the measure of agricultural policy induced the concentration and specialization implicitly. Measures for increasing demand, reducing supply or raising farm incomes are favoured by large scale farming. And price support induced specialization of farming. And technology for specialization are diffused and induced geographical specialization. This is the process of change of regional structure through the specialization.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.95-129
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• 2017

This study surveys and reviews political change, economic performance, and regional cooperation that were carried out in 2016 by Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN. This paper reports that what has followed the inauguration of new governments in Myanmar, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Laos fails to live up to the expectation and optimism that arose in the aftermath of elections and party congresses that took place in the first half of the year. In other countries such as Malaysia, Thailand, and Cambodia, where authoritarian regimes are faced with strong oppositions, the prospects for democratic change worsened to a substantial degree, as schisms and internal strives complicated the opposition camp as a result of instigation and intervention by the authoritarian leaders and their followers. In stable political systems, both democratic and authoritarian, no significant changes that may entail serious political implications were noticed. In 2016, the national economy of almost each and every country continued its slow but steady recovery that had started in 2014 and grew by 5% on the average. For 2017 onward, however, the earlier optimism that it would grow at least as fast dimmed down as uncertainty about the world economy looms larger due to the unexpected win by Donald Trump as U.S. president and the expected 'hard landing' of the Chinese economy around 2018. ASEAN declared the launch of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) only one day before the New Year, but its track record looked already bad and unpromising by the end of 2016. ASEAN leaders were tied up by their domestic politics and affairs too tightly to take time off to work seriously to observe the schedule as laid out in the AEC Blueprint 2025. Korea's relationship with Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN was "as good as it gets" in 2016 as ever but could become subject to tough review in the near future, if the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is found out to have been implicated in the ongoing Choi Sun Sil scandal and if the opposition wins the next presidential election to be held by this year.