• Proceedings of the KGS Conference
• /
• 2002.11a
• /
• pp.33-36
• /
• 2002

국경선은 '분리의 선'인 동시에 '접촉의 선'이며 '장벽'인 동시에 '가장자리'이고 '차단'이면서 '접합'이 동시에 존재하는 공간이다. 초국경적 공간은 이런 관점에서 역설적인 측면을 가진다. 과거부터 쌓여온 경험 풍부한 협력 관계가 비록 이 지역은 정치적 의사결정권이나 경제활동의 중심으로부터 멀리 떨어져 있어 주변부에 해당하지만 이런 '협력적 관성'으로 인해 '혁신의 장소'로 성장하려는 적극적인 의지를 보이는 공간이 되기도 한다.(중략)

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.29 no.4
• /
• pp.420-437
• /
• 1994

The starting point of the research is the relation between capital restructuring and urban restructuring. The economic restructuring, which has been caused by the economic crisis in the early 1970s in the United States has brought a spatial restructuring at different geographic scales. The degree of the success of urban restructuring is contingent to the local economic and political environments. The local contingent factor such as local politics should not be neglected for investigating the restructuring process. Through the case study of Chicago, the research provides two inconsistencies in applying the structural approach to the local level: first, the lack of the theoretical link between crisis and restructuring; and second, the crucial importance of local politics in shaping urban development.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
• /
• v.25 no.4
• /
• pp.159-190
• /
• 2019

This paper aims to examine to the political unconsciousness of social movies that have caused social repercussions in the 2010s, and to study the social imagination of Korean films at that time. Korean Movies such as (2013), <1987>(2017) and (2017) reflect the ethos of civil society based on common sense and justice. The epic structure was the same as that of ordinary citizens, who move toward a public space (court, square) after awakening their political correctness. More than anything else, the fact that such films were based on "a historical fact" could have been a strategy to avoid censorship in the era of the blacklist. In these social films, courts and squares have become places for democracy. The conservative government of the time was tired of anti-government resistance and the politics of the square. Thus, films from directors and producers blacklisted were difficult to produce. That's why the court in the movie during this period could become a symbolic proxy for the "legitimate" reenactment of the politics of the square, which was subject to censorship and avoidance by the regime of the time. Meanwhile, the square has gradually become the main venue for political films that advocate "historic true stories." The square of the 1980s, which appeared in the movies, will be connected to the Gwanghwamun candlelight square that audiences experienced in 2017. Furthermore, it was able to reach the concept of an abstract square as an "open space for democracy." At the foundation of these works is a psychological framework that equates the trauma of the failed democratic movement of the 1980s to the trauma of the failed progressive movement of the 2010s. Through this study, we were able to see that social political films in the 2010s were quite successful, emphasizing "political correctness" and constitutional common sense. But they also had limitations as "de-political popular films" that failed to show imagination beyond the censorship of the blacklist era.

• Proceedings of the KGS Conference
• /
• 2002.11a
• /
• pp.25-28
• /
• 2002

지난 세기의 마지막 10년은 유럽의 정치 지형상에서 수 많은 변화가 일어났다. 독일의 통일과 소련 연방의 해체와 신생독립국가의 탄생, 이들의 독립국가연합 결성, 과거 소련의 위성국가로 간주되었던 동유럽국가들의 국경개방 및 체제전환, 남동부 유럽의 발산 반도에서 유고연방의 해체와 그 후속국가들의 탄생등등 이러한 정치적 변동들은 엄청난 사회 경제적 변화를 가져왔을 뿐만 아니라, 또한 공간구조에도 많은 변화를 가져왔다.(중략)

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.77
• /
• pp.73-107
• /
• 2016

The general programming channels, newly introduced around the beginning of the 2010s, have grown into powerful journalistic agencies, the far-reaching social influences of which are not confined by the economic effects within the South Korean media industry. They are now rendered to become part of major socio-political institutions that try to secure their privileges based on broadcast journalism, and to widen their business opportunities through those special kind of social practices. This research has taken a path of theoretical endeavour to devise a conceptual framework that will effectively lead to a series of academic investigation into the socio-political characteristics of general programming channels. To this end, specific attention is paid to such theoretical and conceptual resources as the instrumentalization of media by the politics, the political sociology of media power, media-political parallelism, and the structural coupling between the political and the media systems. This paper suggests that general programming channels have emerged as a new interface that accommodates and actualizes the structural coupling between the two societal subsystems, and in the course of that, they undercut the vulnerable basis of media public sphere, effectively replacing it with entertaining media-political sphere constructed and managed by themselves. This sphere is where the media system's logic and the poltical system's logic are intertwined, simutaneously accelerating not only the mediatization of the politics but also the politicization of the media.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.12 no.4
• /
• pp.475-495
• /
• 2006

This paper is to analyse a changing space of energy flows in Northeast Asia from geopolitical and geoeconomic perspectives that have been recently promoted for energy security of countries in this region. The research is based on an analytical framework in an integration of political ecology and political economy. Because of an ever-increasing input of energy resources for economic growth and of dramatically increasing price of crude oil and recent instability of oil market, South Korea, China and Japan have been deeply concerned with energy security and conducted very actively geopolitical strategies. And hence the space of energy flows in the region is now in a process of dynamic reconfiguration, in which the project for development of oil and natural gas fields in East Siberia and construction of pipelines to transport them can be seen as one of competitive issues among these countries. In spite of worrying about stagflation due to rapid increase of oil price, such geo-strategies for energy security and reconfiguration of space of energy flows seem to keep the accumulation of capital in this region continue with generation of huge privatized oil companies.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
• /
• s.95
• /
• pp.15-15
• /
• 1991

옥중기록의 공개출판이 본격화된 것은 80년대 후반. 감옥이라는 극도로 제한된 상황에 처해진 양심수들의 진솔한 이야기를 담아 폭넓은 공간을 확보한 이들 책은 분단과 왜곡된 정치현실의 희생자로 엄존하는 양심수의 존재에 대한 새로운 인식의 계기를 제공했다.

• Proceedings of the KGS Conference
• /
• 2004.11a
• /
• pp.28-28
• /
• 2004

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.40 no.5 s.110
• /
• pp.473-490
• /
• 2005

The term hybridity has recently emerged as one of the most popularized leitmotivs in contemporary diasporic and transnational problematics on migrants' nomadic experiences. Especially, in postcolonial politics, hybridity is argued to provide a critical 'third space' on which to challenge discursive boundaries and redescribe power-embedded history However, this paper suggests that the hybrid subject position can be easily articulated in producing new cultural discourse and empowering hegemonic subjects in certain spates. Based on distinguishing the intentional, conscious hybridity from the organic, lived hybridity, this research Intends to investigate the Janus-faced, double-edged nature of the postcolonial politics of hybridity in the case of Los Angeles Koreatown. First, I discuss how a place of organic hybridity in Koreatown can lead to challenging invented and depoliticized ethnicity. At the second half of this paper, 1 focus on understanding the ways in which new Korean American professionals and elites employ the discourse of '1.5 generation' as an intentional hybridity for empowering their own political position at a local scale. I conclusively suggest that hybridity should be a deconstructive strategy to unlearn dominant socio-spatial boundaries rather than bring about the third space as a reterritorialized political position.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.10 no.3
• /
• pp.294-300
• /
• 2010

With the development of media technology, UCC actively working through the medium of the Net, the Internet space, which can influence politics instead of TV is drawing attention as the new leading media. As the one-sided media influence of TV is dwindling in the times of the Internet, the hegemony of the media is rapidly changing into UCC marked by two-way interaction. Especially, UCC has the characteristic that it has changed the people performing a role as the receptor of the media into the agent of enormous political influence as well as the freshness specific to its contents. This study was intended to investigate the types of diverse political influences of UCC in political practice as well as daily politics with a focus on the fact that it can newly project the world led by the media and their changes and exercise strong power in changing the society. Therefore, it attempted to investigate the political influence and ripple effect that UCC can exert by attempting to analyze what political influence UCC can exercise at diverse political situations including election. As a result, UCC led to four situations such as incentive-exploding type, issue-leading type, dispersion-switching type, direction-obeying type. This can be said to lead to the positive effect at the political field, such as implementing direct democracy through digital technology.