• Journal of the Architectural Institute of Korea Planning & Design
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.73-82
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• 2019

The purpose of this study was to analyze the area of the southern gate in ancient temples. As the southern gate played a role of the front gate, the national or royal ceremonies had been held around the southern gates. The ancient southern gate of temples has had the place for the huge ceremonies such as a royal parade and an inspection of troops. Moreover, this place was recorded in the 'Samkooksagi(三國史記)' as Jeon-Ro(前路). The Southern gate and the Jeon-Ro had been planned together in the front area of the ancient temples, and the gate had been designed to look down the Jeon-Ro. These findings can be verified through the result of a recent excavation at a site of Hwangnyongsa temple in Gyeongju. This research confirmed that the huge ceremonies had been held at the Jeon-Ro including the area of southern gates. Furthermore, a Hwangnyongsa temple is regarded as a concrete case of verifying the composition of the area of Southern gate.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.50-61
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• 2015

This study investigates how Abies holophylla was planted as a tree sacred to the gods by Japan during the late Chosun and Japanese colonial periods. This study surveyed the current conditions of old Abies holophylla geological information, year planted, and the relationship between Abies holophylla and traditional Japanese values. The reasons that Abies holophylla was considered a tree sacred to the gods are as follows. Firstly, trees are planted on the spaces between Iljumun and Numun in Buddhist temples of Korea in the same way as trees are planted on the roads for worship in traditional temples of Japan. Secondly, tree diameter at breast height ranged from 60cm to 100cm. This means that the Abies holophylla trees range in age from 70 years to 138 years, showing that the trees were planted at the period between the beginning of Japanese Buddhism(1877) and the Japanese Colonial Period (1945). Thirdly, conclusions regarding why the Abies holophylla were planted in Korean temples at the beginning of Japanese Buddhism will be drawn based on the records that Jingu-Kogo's Conquest of Silla was taken care of the Suwataisha as a tree sacred to the gods in Japanese tradition. The reason for which Abies holophylla was planted in Korean temples should be evaluated through the remnants of Japan in the past. The issue of the old Abies holophylla in Korean temples should be investigated and further discussed in depth.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.14 no.11
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• pp.944-954
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• 2014

This paper discusses how the traditional cuisine of Korea capitalizes on "nostalgia" for the past. While examining the (re)invention of Buddhist cuisine and Andong food, this paper contends that traditional Korean cuisine is commodified through a process of de-contexualization. This paper first discusses the possibility that the idea of traditional cuisine is an invention in the first place. The history of temple food, for instance, suggests that it was created as a vehicle for circulating and implementing the ruling ideology in the ancient societies of China. This paper then turns to the issue of the growing influence of traditional cuisine in contemporary Korean culture, which is related to the public's demand for healthy food and also tied with the South Korean society's need for promoting a national cuisine in the age of globalization. The rise of traditional cuisine is a sign that people are seeking to reform their eating habits and form a counterculture. Yet, another side of the story is that consumers end up taking part in the self-expanding capitalist market with more consumer choices rather than forming a genuine counterculture. In this respect, the reinvention of temple food is closely related to what Jean and John L. Comaroff call the "emergence of consumption as a privileged site for the fabrication of self and society, of culture and identity".

• KOMUNHWA
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• no.56
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• pp.181-213
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• 2000

This article is to introduce a tentative study on many Buddhism remains in Hanam area. In recent years, many Buddhism remains were found in Hanam area. We speculate there will be more vestiges to be found in the same area. Among many ruins that were disco

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.60-79
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• 2012

Environment of ancient Chinese Buddhist temple can be classified to three types such as regional society(鄕村), famous mountain(名山), and urban areas(都市). This made differences in environment where a temple existed and in turn, affected development of Buddhism. And this made another type in relationship between Buddhist temple and a society. This study explains influences which regional society gave on not only Buddhist temple and a monk but also existence and development of Buddhism. When temples are placed in different environmental position, that is, urban areas and regional society, among a social structure, they eventually should adapt to a different society externally and internally. As told in above, ancient Chinese Buddhist temple was located in regional society, famous mountain, and urban areas. Since Eastern Jin and Sixteen Kingdoms, as number of temple much increased, and temples and monks were concentrated on famous mountain, temples in famous mountains and urban areas had developed showing similar aspects each other. But because temples in regional society were influenced a little differently, this study focused on the point. There are four kinds of influences between temples and monks in regional areas. Monks in regional areas had a comparatively close relationship with a society because they came from same area or surrounding areas. Therefore,powers of regional areas restrict influences made by monk group in temple. Second, temples in regional areas shared their joys and sorrows depending on regional economy. Temples in regional areas became a public place for the society and often a market place. In fact, construction and existence of a temple originally became a driving force in regional economy. This is because construction of temple needs artisans and materials and some temples had visitors and included market economy like consumption of incense and candles, though the economic size was large or small. And when regional areas experienced natural disaster or man-made disaster or had poor harvest or economy was in depression, monks left temples and then, temples themselves could not exist. Third, the relationship between temples in regional areas and Buddhists was distinguished from the temples in urban areas and famous mountains. This is because temples in China were places where monks practiced and at the same time, places where general Buddhists worshipped. So there were always a number of Buddhists around the temples. Forth, Buddhism in resional areas was connected to regional Folk beliefs. As a result, Buddhism was spread across the nation, worship with local color often was changed to Buddhist belief or was tinged with Buddhism. While temples in regional areas maintained a close relationship with regional society.they were influenced by the region or gave influences. As a representative example, temples in regional areas showed model behaviors instead of roles of facilities related to various cultures with comparatively advanced level - for example, school, hospital etc. The temples highly affected funerary rites in regional areas. Chinese tombs were mainlymade in regional areas. After death,people living in urban areas were buried in hometown or at least, they were buried in suburbs not urban areas. Temples in regional areas generally participated in funerary rites. Above shows that though most of famous Buddhist temples were located in urban areas not in famous mountains,majority of temples were located in vast regional areas. Through mutual interaction between temples and regional society, the temples in the regional areas were related to Chinese people of over 90% and regional areas became the most important foundation for Buddhism in China. Mutual influences between temples in regional areas and the general public in regions were omnidirectional and spreaded to every aspects of social life in small or large degree. Thus Tombs in temple were widely spreaded across regional areas over time and space. This is enough to explain a close relationship between Buddhist temples and rural society in ancient China.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.3
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• pp.132-149
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• 2011

In ancient period, a variety of inorganic or organic pigments had been used as colorants in various kinds of religious and secular paintings such as tomb paintings and wall and scroll paintings in buddhist temples, and danchung(cosmic patterns) for the surface of wooden buildings. This study discusses the results obtained from an analysis of the pigments on the wall paintings of Yeongsanjeon(Hall of Vulture Peak) in Tongdo temple by a qualitative analysis using a field-XRF. The results can be briefly summarized as follows. Firstly, assuming from the major components examined from F-XRF analysis, raw materials of pigment of each color are: red to be Cinnabar(HgS) or Hematite($Fe_2O_3$); white to be White Lead[$2PbCO_3{\cdot}Pb(OH)_2$] in most cases and Calcite($CaCO_3$) or Chalk($CaCO_3$), Kaolin($Al2O_3{\cdot}SiO_2{\cdot}4H_2O$) in some cases; yellow to be Yellow Ocher[$FeO(OH){\cdot}nH_2O$]; black to be carbon(C); green on the painted surface to be Celadonite[$K(Mg,Fe^{2+})(Fe^{3+},Al)(Si_4O_{10})(OH)_2$] in most cases; dark green on the halo of figures to be Malachite[$CuCO_3{\cdot}Cu(OH)_2$], Copper Green[$2CuO{\cdot}CO_2{\cdot}H_2O$] or Atacamite[$Cu_2Cl(OH)_3$]. Secondly, incarnadine and pink were made by mixing with more than two pigments such as red and white for making various tone of colors. The qualitative analysis of pigments on the wall paintings of Yeongsanjeon, in conclusion, displays that the all pigments for ancient periods are inorganis pigments. However, it has the limitation to identify a definite kinds of mineral for each pigment because it was not possible to collect samples from cultural heritage for conducting a crystalline analysis of XRD.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.160-175
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• 2013

There is the need to make a sharp distinction as regards JANGSEUNGs (Korean traditional totem poles) that are different in origin, history and function. This study is to identify the functions of the figures, as well as to trace stone JANGSEUNGs to their origins. In this regard, researched were conducted into the origins of JANGSEUNGs and their changes in history. There was a tradition in the GORYEO Dynasty (an ancient dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) that it erected JANGSAENGs (the archaic name of JANGSEUNGs) or allied stone figures within temples; especially, 'TONGDOSA GUKJANGSAENG SEOKPYO (a stone JANGSAENG that was erected by the royal command and is at the entrance of TONGDO Temple located in YANGSAN, South GYEONGSANG Province, South Korea)' functions as a stone monument rather than as a stone sign. In the engraved inscription, it is written that it should be erected in the form of PANA as before. 'PANA' refers to 'ZHONGKUI', a god in Chinese Taoism believed to exorcise devils that spread diseases. The inscription is to define the territory of TONGDO Temple. The article on HAN JUN GYEOM in a book 'WORAKGI (a travelogue on WORAK Mountain in North CHUNGCHEONG Province, South Korea)' written by HEO MOK makes it possible to guess the scale of GUKJANGSAENGs erected in DOGAP Temple. The stones, on which 'GUKJANGSAENG' or 'HWANGJANGSAENG' were engraved, are not JANGSAENGs but are demarcation posts. In the JOSEON Dynasty (the last dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) JANGSAENGs functioned as signposts. Unlike JANGSAENGs in temples, they were made of wood. At first, the word 'JANGSAENG' was written '長生' in Chinese characters, but in the JOSEON Dynasty another character '木 (wood)' was added to them, and thus the orthography was likely to change into 'JANGSEUNG.' In the JOSEON Dynasty, in addition, optative or geomantic figures were not called 'JANGSEUNG.' Historically, for instance, there has been no case where 'DOL HARBANGs (stone figures found only in JEJU ISLAND, South Korea)' are called 'JANGSEUNG.' In a book 'TAMRA GINYEON (a historical record on JEJU Island, South Korea)' it is written that KIM MONG GYU, JEJU governor, erected ONGJUNG Stones outside the fortress gate. ONGJUNG Stones usually refer to stone statues erected in front of ancient kings or dignitaries' mausoleums. Moreover, they were geomantic figures erected to suppress miasma. A magazine 'GWANGJUEUPJI (a journal on old GWANGJU, South Korea, 1899)' shows that two two ONGJUNG Stones were so erected that they might look at each other to suppress miasma from a pathway through which lucks lose. On the two stone figures located in BUAN-EUP, North JEOLLA Province, South Korea, inscriptions 'SANGWON JUJANGGUN' and 'HAWON DANGJANGGUN' were engraved. The words are to identify the figures' sexes. They are a kind of optative geomantic figures, and therefore there is no reason to call them 'JANGSAENG' or 'JANGSEUNG' or 'DANGSAN.' The words 'SANGWON' and 'HAWON' are closely associated with Taoism. Since then, the words have been widely used as inscriptions on stone figures in temples, and subsequently are used for JANGSEUNGs. A hatted ONGJUNG Stone, found in BUKANSAN Fortress, disappeared and other ones may be being buried somewhere. Meanwhile, ONGJUNG Stones in JEJU Island and stone figures in BUAN-EUP have hardly been displaced and thus have properly functioned. Stone figures, made in those days, seem to be most similar in function to JANGSAENGs made during the GORYEO Dynasty. Specifically, like earlier JANGSAENGs, stone figures made during the early to mid-18th century were likely to function not only as optative figures but as boundary stones. Most of stone figures in temples were made whenever the land use survey was conducted throughout the nation, but given that at the same period of time, the commonalty filed many lawsuits against grave sites, temples might erect many stone figures to mark their territories. Currently, wooden or stone figures are commonly called 'JANGSEUNG', but they were erected in different epochs and for different reasons. Their origins are to be sought in stone figures that functioned not only as optative figures in temples but as boundary stones during the GORYEO Dynasty.

• Conservation Science in Museum
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• v.24
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• pp.99-116
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• 2020

This study examines the results of analyses of the lead isotope ratio and chemical composition of lead glass and green glaze from ancient Northeast Asia in order to suggest their production sites and reveal further characteristics. The comparison of the lead isotope ratio of lead glass and green glaze from two Baekje remains in Iksan-the Wanggung-ri Site and Mireuksa Temple Site-suggests that they were produced to the west of the South Gyeonggi Massif (Zone 4) using lead extracted from the same area. With a few exceptions, it has proved difficult to identify the production sites of most of the green-glazed roof tiles from Unified Silla-period Buddhist temples across Northeast Asia. The major component of the lead glass from Baekje, Silla, China, and Japan during the seventh century is PbO, SiO₂, Al₂O₃, CuO, and Fe₂O₃, with a ratio of PbO and SiO₂ of 70 and 30 wt.%, respectively. The green-glazed roof tiles excavated from a temple from the Unified Silla period have a high proportion of lead, ranging from 64 to 90 wt.%. Green-glazed lozenge tiles excavated from the Sacheonwangsa Temple site in Gyeongju were shown to contain PbO, SiO₂, Al₂O₃, and CuO, a similar composition with lead glass. An experiment was conducted to reproduce a glaze according to the production method mentioned in the Zō hotokesho sakumotsu-chō (Buddhist statue workshop crop book) in the Shosoin Repository. In this experiment, an identical ratio of PbO was observed for Japanese green-glazed ceramics from the eighth to eleventh century as that found in Chinese lead-glazed ceramics excavated from kilns operated from the seventh to tenth century in Henan. This indicates that production methods for lead glass and glaze were shared across Northeast Asia.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.4-31
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• 2013

본고는 중세도시연구의 관점에서 도성 헤이안쿄(平安京)가 중세 교토(京都)로 변화하는 계기와 그 의미, 그것이 새로운 무가(武家) 정권도시(政權都市)에 어떤 영향을 미쳤는지에 대하여 논하였다. 율령제 마지막 도성인 헤이안쿄는 천황을 절대적 정점으로 한 중앙집권이 동심원구조로 구현된 '왕성(王城)의 땅'이었으나, 10세기 후반 이후 도성의 구심점이었던 내리(內裏)가 헤이안큐(平安宮) 밖으로 나오는 등의 변화가 시작되었고, 도성의 이념과 틀이 급속하게 해체 변용되었다. 또 고대왕권을 대신하여 새로운 형태로 왕권과 여러 권력을 담당한 원(院)과 롱관가(瀧關家), 대두하는 무가권력 등이 그 본거지에 권력의 개성과 시대성을 반영한 새로운 경관과 공간원리를 생성하였다. 그것은 다음과 같은 공통점을 갖는다. (1) 큰 정토정원을 갖는 御堂(사찰)과 세트를 이룬 御所(천황의 거소). (2)황통(천황가 내의 계통)과 가족의 상징으로서 조상을 모신 분묘를 중심으로 한 도시형성. (3) 내리를 기점으로 남북으로 주축을 갖는 고대도성과 달리, 어당과 어소가 동서로 배열된 동서가로를 주축으로 한 도시계획. (4) 수도와 외부를 잇는 교통의 결절점에 입지하였고, 특히 하천변을 향해 적극적으로 확장된 도시. 일본 중세는 무가정권의 시대를 맞이하여 도고쿠(東國) 초기 무가정권의 본거지 히라이즈미(平泉)와 최초의 막부가 열린 가마쿠라(鎌倉)가 모델로 한 것은 '도성 헤이안큐'가 아니라 헤이안큐 수도 밖 신도시의 경관과 공간원리였다. 특히 히라이즈미와 가마쿠라 등이 가정기관(家政機關)과 조상의 묘를 중심으로 한 '가족 원리'에 따른 정권도시를 적극적으로 수용한 것은 단순한 도시의 모방이 아니라 주종관계를 축으로 의제적인 '집(家) 원리'로 권력이 형성된 무가에는 더욱 어울리는 논리이며, 또 고대와는 다른 새로운 시대의 논리였기 때문이다. 그 한편으로 무가의 대들보로서 무사들에 의해 추대된 초기 무가정권은 도시의 논리와 경관을 도입하였을 뿐 아니라 그들과 공통의 가치관을 표현하는 것도 중요한 요소였다. 그것이 최신의 도시를 모방한 어당과, 그것과는 대조적인 도고쿠 무가의 전통적인 어소의 병립이라는 종교공간과 정치 일상공간에서의 권위표상의 의식적인 분리에 의해 표현되었다. 히라이즈미와 가마쿠라에서는 유통, 상공업 등의 도시기능과 도시적인 경관이 정비되기까지 약 50년의 시간이 경과할 필요가 있었다. 12세기 일본의 무가정권은 스스로의 거점으로서 도시를 기획, 형성하는 의식과 실현하는 능력을 얼마나 가지고 있었는가 검토가 필요하다. 명확한 동아시아모델의 도성을 실현함으로써 왕권의 존재를 드러낸 고대 율령정권과의 차이점은 매우 크다. 이후 무가가 권력의 의도를 도시구조로서 명확하게 드러낸 것은 15세기 후반의 전국시대 다이묘(大名)의 죠카마치(城下町)로부터이다. 특히 16세기 후반부터 천하통일을 실현한 오다 노부나가, 도요토미 히데요시의 연합정권에서는 구체적인 성(城)과, 그 성을 중심으로 한 계층성을 명시한 죠카마치의 공간설계가 있었다. 여기서는 다시금 '도시의 경관'이 명확한 권력의 상징으로서 기능하게 된 것이다.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.110-133
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• 2009

This study is on the types and characteristics of foundation and basestone which can be seen in remains of Baekje and Silla in beginning study of them in ancient Korean architecture. This is a close investigation that division of the shape of the basestone and the type of Jeoksim(積心, the supporting part under the basestone) and foundation under the ground. Also it can be seen that the difference of construction technique and the relation with each part. The research objects are the remains of temples which had been excavated or are been excavating now in Baekje area and in Silla from 6th to 8th century. Results of research published in north Korea are quoted for the remains in Goguryeo being unable to be seen as they are in north Korea. If it had been possible to visit the sites, the materials would have been collected from the direct investigation. Otherwise they are collected from the excavaion results published. After that the basestone and the foundation could be divided according to several types. Also each types can be compared and studied according to times and building use. The results are follows. There are some different characteristics between Baekje and Silla in the technique of foundation, jeoksim, and basestone. Through them it is possible that the arhitectural technique of Baekje had been introduced to not only wooden pagoda in the erection of hwangryongsa temple. These results are considered limited in a few remains grasped the characteristics so it should be complemented continuously as the outcome of excavation of architectural remains will be accumulated to.