• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.297-347
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• 2019

Jie Jie Hao Yin 『절절호음(節節好音)』 is a script collection produced during the Qianlong's ruling Period which had one of the most flourished period of Qing Dynasty's Palace Drama. This script collection is consisted of 86 scripts of 6 Festival Court Plays: New year's day (元旦), Lantern festival(上元), Yanjiu festival(燕九), Snow appreciation(賞雪), Day of Kitchen god worshipping(祀竈), New year's eve(除夕). These scripts are effective records to study the New Year's Eve Drama of Qianlong Period. Jie Jie Hao Yin carry out the performances not only through Kunqiang (崑腔), and Yiyang Tune (弋腔), but also through various types of entertaining performances such as dance, masque play, puppet show, and story telling. Most of the songs were sung by various gods praising the era of peace as the holiday approaches. In the contents of revealing the luck to be brought by the holidays, it sought for the colorful transformations of stages through adding humoristique short stories or various feast genres in between the performance. It also tries to seek for diversities of stages through active application of acrobatics. It also portrays folk customs from BaiYunGuan's temple fair, Yanjiu Festival in YanBin, the Lantern Fair of Lantern Festival, and various activities of wet markets from New Year's Eve from diverse points of views. Especially through various shows and Chinese folk-art forms, the popular folk activities and entertainments near Beijing in the beginning era of Qing Dynasty can be observed. Jie Jie Hao Yin is a very important resource to look at the popular art activities of Beijing during Qianlong Period, and how the Palace culture accepted the folk cultures and applied to its own advancements.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.73-89
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• 2004

The following is a summary of comparative study on costumes between 『Cheng-Hoe-Jeon-Do』 and 『Chen-De-dang-an』 in Gun-Ryung 41st, 42nd and 43rd yew to find out costume situation actually worn by Emperor Gun-Ryung in Qing dynasty. In Gun-Ryung 41st year, Emperor's costumes showed a sign of royal tour robes. In 42nd year, a phase of mourning robe system came out and a plain side of costumes was shown owing to the mourning. In 43rd year, it showed costume situation worn by Emperor in peaceful year without any particular event. Velvet, material for traveling crown was used in a short time before and after the change of the season besides royal tour and this can be understood as a well-timed and reasonable selection of material. Eventhough robe material, Jik-kyung-Ji-chack-sa(a kind of silk) had been used for summer robes since Gun-Ryung 42nd you. Memorial costumes followed Emperor's court costume system I in 『Cheng-Hoe-Jeon-Do』 and court belt I or II as memorial suit belt was used for the memorial costume of Emperor Gun-Ryung and they properly applied of the costume system in 『Cheng-Hoe-Jeon-Do』 for coats.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.213-231
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• 2005

Yeonhaengrok is a document recorded by one member of the envoy sent to the China from 17 to 19 century. Ik-mo Lee, a member of the envoy, wrote a full explanation of the visit from Nov. 24 1796 to Mar. 7 1797 in his writing $\ulcorner$Byongjin Yeonhaengrok${\lrcorner}$. $\ulcorner$Byongjin Yeonhaengrok${\lrcorner}$, which is omitted in the complete collection of $\ulcorner$Yeonhaengrok${\lrcorner}$, has been newly found at the Family of Suwon Baek's house locating at the Sanggum Vil., Yongsan Town, Jangheung County of Chonnam Province. $\ulcorner$Byongjin Yeonhaengrok${\lrcorner}$ contains an historical meaning that it is an official record of the official envoy that was sent first after the Injong's enthronement in China. This study observed the bibliographical features of $\ulcorner$Byongjin Yeonhaengrok${\lrcorner}$, the time of the transcription, the progress of receiving by the Suwon Baek family. And certified the details of the Byongjin envoy, going and returning between Hanyang and Beijing, staying schedules of the envoy in Beijing.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.1-13
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• 2020

This study closely analyzed poems and paintings related to Beijing-Palgyeong, as well as ancient maps and ancient writings. Through the study, people who read this study can consider, Beijing-Palgyeong's the process of changing times, changing landscape perception, physical and symbolic landscape elements, structural analysis, national management relationships, and finally how it was localized as symbolic place. The view point of the Beijing-Palgyeong is distributed in four places, one outside and one inside the city. Outside of the capital city of Beijing-Palgyeong were concentrated in Seosan(西山) where the resting place of the emperor and the center of the landscape view of Beijing. The view point of Beijing-Palgyeong inside the capital city is located in two places in the royal palace's Imperial Garden and in two villages around the fortress. In other words, Beijing-Palgyeong was selected as a place closely related to the imperial family, emperor, and royal palace from the time of its initial creation. Since then, many scholars, including the emperor, have used it for national management through Won(元), Ming and Qing Dynasty, and it have become more and more characteristic of 'The capital city of eight scenic views'. The two places inside the capital city praised the Gods and Emperors in the same way. Outside the capital city, the two sites depict the comfortable lives of the people who are governed by the emperor and depicting the village landscape around the city. In the end, it can be seen that most of the Beijing-Palgyeong are related to imperial palaces and emperors. If you look at the physical landscape of Beijing-Palgyeong by element, it mainly contains the contents of national management and the emperor's eulogy. Qianlong Emperor established the Beijing-Palgyeong in 1751 through the construction of a monument. A four-character on the front of the monument, and inscribed with a seven-word written by the person on the back. It can be said that Qianlong Emperor's Beijing-Palgyeong were intended to show off the results of Manchurian rule through the material symbol of the monument. Beijing-Palgyeong have been transformed into a landmark, and modern people use it as an indicator of the Beijing-Palgyeong.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.50 no.3
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• pp.59-72
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• 2000

Dragon robe was defined as a robe on which the principal design consisted of dragon. Dragon patterns have been used on princess robes during T'and Dynasty. In Sung, Dragon-figured robes seem to have an Imperial prerogative. Yuan took over the use of robes with dragons patterns as a definite institition. Ming tried to reject all Yuan innovations, the dragon robe was retained as an unofficial court costume. The Emperor's semiformal robes which at first had four dragon medallions, later had twelve along with the 12 Symbols(십이장문). As Ch'ing dragon robes were only intended fro semiformal use. The Later Ch'ing robes date from after 1719, when the Ch'ien-lung(건륭) introduced 12 Symbols on Ch'ing robes. The Ch'ien-lung laws were disobeyed, notably the ones that specified the number of claws on the dragons. THe Emperor's dragon robe, lung-p'ao, (용포) was described as bright yellow in color, having four slits and horsefoof cuffs. The basic pattern consisted of nin dragons, in addition it had 12 Symbols. The elaborate textile techniques reached their peak in Ch'ing Dynasty-with its Weaving and Dyeing Office in Peking, and this factories at Hangchow(항주), Soochow(소주), and Naking(남경) -helps to explain why the decay of the Ch'ing bureaucracy hastended the decline of dragon robes. In the Ch'ing Dynasty tow terms were used for dragon robe, depending on the number of claws on the dragons. Those with five-clawed dragons were called lung-p'ao, while those with four-clawed dragons were called mang-p'ao(망포). The Court felt compelled to take corrective meausres. It decreeed that Ninisters of State and other officials, who had been bestowed five-clawed lung dragons, must take out one claw. Finally, the sale of ranks and the attendant privilege of wearing dragon robes gradually increased during the 18 th century, reaching its height in the 19 th century, Finally, after the Taiping Rebellion, when the Imperial Treasury was depleted by the wholesale destruction of revenue-producing lands, the Chinese government came to depend on such sales as an important source of revenue and the practice became even more widespread. The ensuing mass production of dragon robes, and the necessity of conforming to the fairly rigid basic pattern established in 1759, resulted in marked deterioration of workmanship, and a comparative monotony of decoration. The patterns on the dragon robes slight changes continued to be made in the ways of representign them. The li shui (입수) portion at the base of the robe become inreasingly wider throughout the 19th century. The background became cluttered with symbols of good fortune, scattered among the clouds and waves. As a result of all this extraneous decoration, the dragons were so crowded that they had to shrink back into the small size that they had originally occupied in the medallons. Kuang-hsu(광저) was a long one, allowing time for the manufacture of numerous robes. Also, it would seem likely that Occidental museums and collections would have a considerable number of his robes, in view of the widespread looting of his palaces during the Allied occupation of Peking in 1900, and the frequent sales of Late Ch'ing imperial textiles by destitute Manchu courtiers in the '20's.

• The Bulletin of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.35.5-36
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• 2021

'역상고성'은 '신법산서'에 수록되어 있는 티코브라헤의 역법체계와 그 밖의 천문 내용들을 중국인 천문학자들에 의하여 확실하게 정리를 하였지만 '역상고성'에 따른 추보는 천상과 불일치를 보게 되었다. 藪內淸(야부우치 키요시) 저(1969), 유경로 역(1985)에 의하면 이러한 불일치는 옹정 8년 6월 초 1일의 일식이었는데 예보의 오류를 정정한다는 것을 중국 천문학자들이 감당하기 어려웠다. 퀘글러(Ignatius Kögler, 戴進賢, 1680~1746)와 페레이라(Andreas Pereira, 서무덕(徐懋德), 1690-1743) 등의 선교사 천문학자들이 칙명을 받아 종사하게 되고, 이들이 중심이 되어 '역상고성'보다 더 진보된 서양천문 역법에 기초를 둔 역서가 편찬되게 되었다. '신법산서'와 '역상고성'은 모델에서는 평원(平圓)을 사용하지만 '역상고성후편'에서는 타원(楕圓) 모델을 사용하게 된다. 건륭 7년(1742년)에 10권이 완성되어 '역상고성후편'이라 명하였다. 타원모델을 채택하였지만 지동설에 대한 내용은 전혀 기술되어 있지 않다. 아마도 태양이나 달의 운동을 추보하는데 지구를 중심으로 해야 하기에 이에 대한 언급을 필요치 않았을 수도 있다. '역상고성후편' 은 태양과 달의 운행, 일식과 월식에 대해서만 다루고 있다.그러나 '역상고성'에서는 청몽기차나 지반경차를 티코브라헤의 표 값을 그대로 사용하였고, 이 값들이 관측과 관련이 되어 있음을 설명하려는 무리를 두고 있다. 너무 정확하게 값들이 관측 값들로부터 유도되어 의심이 갈 정도이다. 카시니(Giovanni Domenico Cassini, 喝西尼, 1625~1712)는 자신의 동료 리셰와 함께 파리와 프랑스령 기아나 카이엔에서 충의 위치에 있는 화성과 부근 별의 고도를 관측하여 충의 위치에 있는 화성의 시차를 측정하여 최초로 태양과 지구 사이의 거리를 어림하고, 태양의 지반 경차를 현재와 값과 거의 비슷하게 얻었다. '역상고성후편'에서는 이 내용을 상세하게 다루고 있다. 또한 대기에서 입사각과 굴절각 사이에 Snell의 법칙이 성립하는데 이를 이용하여 모호하게 알았던 청몽기차를 대기의 굴절을 이용하여 현재의 값과 비슷한 값을 얻어 사용할 수 있게 되었다. 이는 모든 천체의 위치를 관측하는데 있어서 매우 정확한 값들을 얻을 수 있게 되고 이에 따라 황도-적도 경사각도 정확하게 얻어진다. '역상고성후편'은 옹정원년을 역원으로 하고 있다. 태양의 운행에 있어서 케플러의 타원 궤도를 이용하게 된다. '신법산서'와 '역상고성'에서는 평균근점이각 M을 모델에서 보여 줄 수 있지만 타원 궤도에서는 이 각이 면적각으로 주어지고, 원 대신 타원을 다루기에 쉽지 않다. 현재는 케플러 방정식을 풀어 가감차를 구하게 되는데 이를 기하학적으로 풀이하는 차적구적법을 소개하고 있다. 이와 함께 면적을 이용하여 타원계각과 타원차각을 구하는 차각구각법도 소개한다. 타원계각과 타원차각을 모두 고려하였기에 현재의 태양의 운동을 기술하는 타원모델과 완벽하게 같다. 다만 사용하는 상수가 아주 조금 다를 분이다. 태양의 경도를 추보하는 방법도 동지점을 기준으로 하고 현재의 방법과 동일하다. 달의 운행도 타원 궤도를 사용한다. '역상고성후편'의 내용은 우리나라의 전해져서 1860년 남병길이 쓴 '시헌기요(時憲紀要)'에는 태양, 달, 일·월식, 오행성의 운동, 항성의 위치, 시간 등을 추보하는데 필요한 내용들이 매뉴얼화 되어 기록되어 있고, 1862년 남병철이 쓴 '추보속해(推步續解)'에도 같은 내용을 담고 있다.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.70-95
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• 2013

The Tejaprabha Buddha painting, located in the Korai Museum in Kyoto, Japan, was made in 1569 when Joseon Dynasty was in his $14^{th}$ year under SeonJo's ruling, and is only one of Tejaprabha Buddha paintings from the early Chosun dynasty. With its well preserved state, the painting allows clear indications of all icons and list of names that were written, and the record region also has minimal deterioration. This Buddhist painting is a GumSeonMyoHwa which is drawn with gold lining on red hemp cloth and has a relatively small dimension of $84.8{\times}66.1cm$. With the Tejaprabha Buddha in the center, the painting has two unidentified Bodhisattvas, Navagrabha, Rahu, Keto, YiSipPalSoo (28 constellation of the eastern philosophy), SipYiGoong (12 zodiacs of the western philosophy), SamDaeYookSung, and BookDooChilSung (the Big Dipper), all of which provide resourceful materials for constellation worshipin the Joseon era. This painting has a crucial representation of the overall Tejaprabha Buddhism - a type of constellation worships - from the early Joseon dynasty. Even though the composition does seem to be affiliated with the paintings from the Koryo dynasty, there are meaningful transformations that reflect changes in content into constellation worship in Joseon dynasty. As a part of the Tejaprabha Buddha, SipIlYo has become a center of the painting, but with reduced guidance and off-centered 'Weolpe (star)', the painting deteriorates the concept of SipIlYo's composition. Furthermore, addition of Taoistic constellation beliefs, such as JaMiSung (The purple Tenuity Emperor of the North Pole), OkHwangDaeChae, and CheonHwangJae, eliminates the clear distinction between Taoistic and Buddhist constellation worships. Unlike the Chinese Tejaprabha Buddha painting, the concept of YiSipPalSoo (28 constellation of eastern philosophy) in this painting clearly reflects Korean CheonMoonDo's approach to constellation which can be applied to its uniqueness of the constellation worships. The fact that the Big Dipper and ChilWonSungKoon (Buddha of the Root Destiny Stars of the Northern and central Dipper) are simultaneously drawn can also be interpreted as the increase in importance of the constellation worship at the time as well.