• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2005.04a
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• pp.469-492
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• 2005

본 논문은 성 통합적 관점에서 가족정책의 재구조화에 대한 논의를 전개함으로써 몇 가지 주목할 만한 결론에 도달했다. 첫째는 가족정책의 관점이 노동하는 주체의 관점에 섰을 때 일과 가족 양립의 문제가 특정성의 문제가 아닌 보편적 시민의 문제가 된다는 점이다. 즉 허구적 믿음에 근거한 공 사적영역의 분리를 (성별구분 없이) 노동하는 주체의 관점에서 통합시킬 때 공적가치인 정의의 문제와 사적가치인 보살핌의 대림이 해소될 수 있다는 것이다. 둘째는 노동주체로서 남성과 여성의 통합성과 현실적 문제로써 여성과 남성의 차이에 근거한 '이해'의 상이함을 반영하기 위해서는 가족정책의 틀은 가족 구성원이 노동하는 장소에 따라 구분해야 한다는 것이다. 셋째는 가족정책의 틀에 따라 가족정책을 가족영역과 시장영역으로 나누었을 때 가족정책의 내용은 가족구성원이 노동권과 부모권(모성권+부성권)을 실현하는데 장애가 되는 요인들을 완화 제거하는 정책이어야 한다는 것이다. 마지막으로 가족정책의 방향은 여성과 남성이 생계부양과 보살핌의 책무를 함께 나누게 하는 것이다. 이는 노동하는 주체의 관점에서 허구적인 공 사적영역의 분리를 통합시켜 내는 것으로, 궁극적인 가족정책의 지향점이라고 할 수 있는 보편적 일과 가족 양립을 실현하는 길이라는 것이다.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.145-179
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• 2002

This study explores the change of family policy in Germany focused on political ideologies and instruments of CDU/CSU and SPD. In past 50 years after the 2. world war the family policy in Germany has been influenced by ideologies of 2 major political parties. With conservative political perspectives, CDU and CSU intend to strengthen the institution family and traditional division of domestic work. Therefore, they prefer indirect support methods by income tax benefit for family as political instrument. SPD with liberal political perspectives intends to support working married women and children. As political instrument SPD prefers allowance for child to indirect support system. This different political perspectives of 2 major parties have been reflected automatically on the federal administrative system(BMFSFJ) which takes responsibility of family policy in Germany. Through the analysis of attitudes to family policy of major parties in Germany this paper attempts to be manifest the problem of korean family policy and to find implications of german modell.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.91-119
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• 2004

독일에서 가족은 전후의 산업화과정 속에서 다면적인 사회변동을 경험하면서 형태적 측면과 내용적 측면에서 다양화와 탈제도화 그리고 개인화의 경향이 강해지는 현상을 보이게 되었다. 이러한 변화과정 속에서 가족은 저출산문제, 보육문제, 역할분담을 둘러싼 갈등, 빈곤과 실업, 노인부양문제 등과 같은 다양한 문제와 직접적으로 당면하게 되었다. 특히 1980년대 후반부터는 통일을 전후로 하여 약 10년간에 걸쳐 저출산문제가 심화되면서 가족문제는 중요한 사회정책이 슈로 부각되기 시작하였다. 이러한 현상은 근대적 가족주의에 기반한 가족의 복지정책의 개선에 대한 사회적 요구를 증대시켰고 그로 인해 독일 가족복지정책은 인구변화로 인해 발생되는 가족의 복지욕구를 수용해야 한다는 과제를 떠안게 되었다. 본 연구는 1950년대 이후부터 현재에 이르기까지 독일에서 시대별로 각 집권정당들은 다양한 가족쟁점들을 어떠한 관점에서 수용하여 정책의제화하고, 이에 대한 대응전략으로써 어떠한 정책방안들을 발전시켜 왔는가 하는 과정적 전개양상을 문헌연구방법을 통해 분석함을 목적으로 하였다. 연구를 통해 획득된 결과는 다음과 같다: 독일의 가족복지정책은 가족쟁점의 변화에 따라 1인 부양자모델의 확립기, 취업모 지원과 가족의 다양성에 대한 정책적 수용기, 보육정책의 확대기로 구분될 수 있으며, 그 과정에서 체계화된 정책 프로그램은 소득지원, 양육 및 교육지원 그리고 노인부양가족지원 프로그램이 핵심을 형성하게 되었다. 이러한 프로그램들의 발전은 정책이 1인 부양자모델에서 2인 부양자모델로 연속적으로 변화되는 양상을 반영하고 있다는 점에서 가족문제의 해결책을 모색 중인 우리나라에도 시사하는 바가 많다.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.57 no.4
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• pp.291-319
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• 2005

The purpose of the paper is to discuss the restructuring of the family policy from a gender-integrating perspective. Several meaningful conclusions were reached. First, examining family policy from the laborer's perspective, the issue of work and family becomes not a gender-related issue but rather an issue for universal people. Second, in order to include the difference in interest among men and women in the labor market, and to view the issue from a gender-integrating perspective, the framework for family policy should consider the place of labor. Third, if family policy is divided into family and labor arena based on the above mentioned framework, the core content of the policy should gear toward loosening and/or eliminating barriers to fulfill the right to work for pay and the right to care for family. Lastly, family policy should aim at men and women sharing the responsibility of supporting and caring for the family. By doing so, we may be closer to maintaining work and family together, the ultimate goal of family policy.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.2
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• pp.327-354
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• 2007

The purpose of this paper is to compare the family policies of Nordic countries(Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden) from 1980 to 2002. Three meaningful findings were found. First, there are several different characteristics in the family policies of Nordic countries in which the ideal understanding of similarity has departed from the reality. Especially, the differences of family policies have extensively expanded since 2000s. Second, for the last 20 years, all four countries have focused their efforts on expanding parents' (re)commodification rather than (re)familialization. Third, the countries have changed their direction in family policies. For example, Finland has changed from familialization to commodification during the mid-1990s.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.3
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• pp.253-280
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• 2007

This study explores the discoures of family and family policy in the legislative process of Strong Family Act. Critical discourse analysis was used. The results are follows. The Strong Family Act made family issue as a political agenda in spite of much critics. The characteristics of the family discourse in "strong family camp": 1) The emphasis on the moral principle in family 2) denial of deinstitutionalization of family 3) regarding the family problem as a moral and individual problem 4) regarding the state as managing and controling the family. The characteristics of the family discourse in "critical camp": 1) strong family discourse is related to "the family" ideology 2) regarding the family problem as a social, structural problem 3) regarding the state as subsiding, supplementing families. The characteristics of the family policy discourse in "strong family camp": 1) casual efficiency as justifying logics 2) family policy as means to recover family values 3) deunifying the family policy. On the one hand, the characteristics of the family policy discourse in "critical camp": 1) social consensus and academic discussion as justifying logics 2) regarding the family policy as a means of gender equality and strategical point of welfare state expansion. The discourse of family and family policy, especially 'Strong Family Discourse" resulted in conjugation of nationalism and neoliberalism.

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2002.04a
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• pp.348-373
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• 2002

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.58 no.3
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• pp.341-370
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• 2006

The purpose of this paper is to classify and compare 21 OECD countries in regard to the level of support in parents' childcare and work. Several meaningful conclusions were suggested. First, examining the level of support in parents' childcare and work, 21 OECD countries can be classified into clusters different from the mainstream welfare state typology. Second, the level of parents' childcare and work support was high in socio-democratic countries such as Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden. Third, the level of parents' childcare right support is not necessarily positively related to that of parents' work in the labor market. As we have seen in the cases of France and Austria, although both countries have relatively high level of parents' childcare and work support, the level of work support in the labor market is low. These results have important implications for Korean family policy in that Korean society has to support both the parents' childcare right and the work right in the labor market.

• Daejeon Development Forum
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• s.26
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• pp.76-77
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• 2008

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.279-308
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• 2010

This study examines the association between family policies and family gap using data for 14 OECD countries. As family policies have different assumptions about women's roles and include variant sub-policies, this study identify two distinct family policies: 'employment support policy' to support women as employed workers and 'caregiving support policy' to support women as caregivers. Meanwhile, women's wage cannot be determined by the effect of 'only' family policy. Therefore, analysis model includes variant macro structure supposed to affect women's labor status and wage, like labor market structure, wage structure(compression), women's social status and economic status, and examines interaction effects between family policies and these labor market and social structures using Fuzzy-Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (FSQCA). The FSQCA result shows that relatively low family gap is associated with the conjunctual causation of developed 'employment support policy' and compressed wage structure.