• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.113-150
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• 2006

This study examines how labor unions change in the 21st centry and what is needed for successful transformation of Korean labor union. The study identifies four major driving forces of change in union's role. They are changes in industrial and occupational structures, utilization of information technology, labor substitution, and changing attitude of workers. The effects are decrease in union membership, shrinking coverage of bargaining, weakening voice mechanism, and representation. Thus, labor unions in the 21st centry transform themselves into service union, individual representation system, and worker participation model. Korean labor union, with its current reputation of militant unionism, needs to transform into above mentioned model. Two keys for the change are market competition and family unionism.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.145-173
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to verify that several theories explaining the determinants of welfare expenditure is applied to the family policy expenditure and to find out if there' re unique determinants of the family policy expenditure. We analyzed the data (OECD 14 countries for 1980~2005) by pooled time series analysis. As for industrialization theory, female labor force participation rate has positive effect on family policy expenditure while population under 15-year children has negative effect, which refers to the demand of family policies is that of female workers, not children's. Power resource theory is applied to the determinants of family policy expenditure as those of welfare expenditure. Women's political & economic empowerment has partly positive effects on family policy expenditure, which is the evidence of the effectiveness of feminist theory. In the institutional theory, we verified the effect of policy legacy but couldn't find out the crowding-out effect. The theoretical implication of this study is the empirical verification of the theories explaining the determinants of welfare expenditure being applied to the family policy expenditure. We also suggested the political and institutional foundation to effectively respond to the new social risks in spite of budget constraints, which can be a policy implication.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.91-119
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• 2005

This study examines the perception and trust of Korean society and people among students and adults using the indigenous psychological analysis. A matched sample of 1,107 participants, consisting of 369 students, their mothers and their fathers completed a questionnaire developed by the present researchers. The results indicate that parents more likely than adolescents to hold negative views of Korean society. Adults are more likely than adolescents to view Korean society as showing high ingroup favoritism, to be insecure, to be conservative, to be corrupt, and to have social inequities. Both groups agree that Korean society is not rational nor democratic, but believe that it has the potential for progress. Second, parents are more likely to hold negative views about Korean people. Adults are more likely than adolescents of viewing Korean people as overly conscious about social face, emotional, selfish, exclusionary, and conceited. Both adolescents and their parents agree that Koreans are cooperative, full of jung (deep affection and attachment), and sincere. Third, adults are less likely to trust Korean institutions than adolescents. Adults are less likely than adolescents to trust National Assembly, political parties, and unions. Adolescents are more likely than their parents to trust family members, school friends, teachers, and government employees. These results indicate that adolescents have higher trust of Korean society and people than their parents. Fifth, the overall results indicate that both group perceive Korean society as showing high ingroup favoritism and corruption. In terms of Korean people, respondents had a more balanced view of perceiving them as highly sensitive to social face and being emotional, while also perceiving them as cooperative and full of jung. The trust of Korean institutions were generally low, especially the National Assembly and political parties. However, the trust of family was very high, followed by trust of school friends and teachers. The trust of government employees was low and this was especially the case for politicians.