• Title/Summary/Keyword: 가신신앙

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A Comparative Study of the House Spirit Belief between the Tungus and Korea (한민족과 퉁구스민족의 가신신앙 비교 연구)

  • Kim, In
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.37
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    • pp.243-266
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    • 2004
  • This paper is based on fieldwork conducted from July 6, 2003 to July 24 of 2003 among the Tungusgroups Hezhe, Daur, Oloqun, Owenke, and Mongolian in the areas of Heilongjiang and Inner Mongolia Provinces. Recognizing the need for more in-depth study among these groups, the present research shows that the Tungus people are archeologically, historically, and linguistically different from Korean Han ethnic group and challenges the link between Korean and Tungus groups since the Bronze Age. The comparison between the "House Spirit" belief of the Tungus people and Koreans reveals certain commonalities in the "Maru," "Kitchen," and "Samshin Spirit" practices. There are two possible reasons for such commonalities. Historically, the Korean Han ethnic group and the Tungus people were geographically intimate, and contact or transmission between the two groups occurred naturally. Also, immigration of refugees from the fallen Koguryo and Puyo to the Tungus region added another dimension of cultural contact. In contrast to the common features shared between the two groups, there also exists differences between the two groups House Spirit blief. The Korean Han group's "House Spirit" belief is based on the agricultural practices that separates the inside sacred and outside secular world of the houses, whereas the Tungus ethnic group's "House Spirit" belief is based on mobile herding life style with a less distinction between in and outside of house. Additionally, each Korean "House Spirit" has its own distinctive personality, and each spirit is placed and worshipped according to its function. In the Tungus group, all the "House Spirits" are located and worshipped in "malu," and some of the spirits are non-conventional house spirits. Moreover, Korean "House Spirits" form a kinship structure, placing Songju, the highest spirit, at the center. In the Tungus practice, such structure is not found. The tight cohesive family formation among the house spirits in the Korean "House Spirit" belief is also the most distinctive feature in its comparison with Chinese belief. In China, the highest spirit is Jiang Taigong or Qiwu, and the house spirits do not have kinship relations. Korean's Outhouse Spirit and Chowangshin are related to the Han Chinese's counterpart on certain levels? however, their basic structures are different. It is clear that the correlation of "Malu" "Chowangshin" and "Samshin" between Korea and Tungus indicate important role of Tungus cultural elements within Korea's "House Spirit" belief.

불과 민속 - 불과 신앙

  • Yang, Jong-Seung
    • 방재와보험
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    • s.131
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    • pp.54-57
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    • 2009
  • 불은 물질이 산소와 화합하여 연소하는 물리적 현상이지만 신앙적 믿음과 종교적 의례에서는 다양하게 상징화되어 문화적 암호로 쓰여온지 오래다. 그래서 불은 인간사에서 어느 것보다도 중요한 구실을 해 왔으며 오늘날 현대인들이 누리고 있는 온갖 문명도 불이 있기에 가능한 것이다. 그러나 현대인의 관념에서는 불에 대한 존엄성이 점차적으로 희박해지고 있는 게 사실이다. 그렇지만 종교 신앙적 측면에서는 아직도 불은 그 어느 것보다도 중요하게 다루어지고 있다. 특히 무속신앙과 가신신앙에서는 불에 대한 관념이 명확할 뿐만 아니라 불에 대한 활용도 옛 법에 따라 적절하게 대응하고 있음을 알 수 있다. 따라서 본 글에서는 무속신앙에서 불신(조왕신)이 어떠한 구실을 하고 있는지, 그리고 불이 마을신으로 모셔지는 경위는 어떠한 것인지와 더불어 가신신앙에서의 조왕그릇과 조왕동토부에 대해 알아 보고자 한다.

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A Study on the Sanctuary of the Residence in East China Sea Skirts Area (동중국해권 민가의 성역(聖域)에 관한 연구)

  • Youn, Lily;Onomichi, Kenji
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.43 no.2
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    • pp.60-81
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    • 2010
  • Jeju Island, in Korea, shows many characteristics that are differentiated from the rest of Korea. Its culture is rooted in mythology which advocates a egalitarian, rather than hierarchical, social structure, the place of women in the home is relatively high, and the formation of buildings, the separation of cooking and heating facilities, and the living format of residential homes is dissimilar. These disparities in culture indicate that Jeju Island's heritage was not formed only from influences from the North, but also from other places as well. To fill in the blanks, residential homes in Jeju Island were compared with those scattered throughout the East China Sea, which connect the southern coastline of the Korean peninsula and Jeju Island. The regions encompassed by the East China Sea, sharing the Kuroshio current and a seasonal wind, can be considered as one cultural region integrating cultural aspects from the continental North and the oceanbound South. The unique characteristics of southern culture as seen in southern residences was examined through an investigation of the sacred places in which gods were considered to dwell. First, the myths of these areas usually concerned with the ocean, and a sterile environment made sustenance impossible without a dual livelihood, usually taking on the forms of half-farming and half-fishing, or half-farming, half-gardening. Although family compositions were strongly matricentric or collateral thanks to southern influence, a patriarchical system like those found in the North were present in the upper classes and in the cities. Therefore, residential spaces were not divided based on age or gender, as in hierarchical societies, but according to family and function. Second, these areas had local belief systems based on animism and ancestor worship, and household deities were closely related to women, agriculture and fire. The deities of the kitchen, the granary and the toilet were mostly female, and the role of priest was often filled by a woman. After Buddhism and Confucianism were introduced from mainland Korea, China and Japan, the sacred areas of the household took on a dual form, integrating the female-focused local rites with male-centered Buddhist and Confucian rites. Third, in accordance with worship of a kitchen deity, a granary deity, and a toilet deity led to these areas of the home being separated into disparate buildings. Eventually, these areas became absorbed into the home as architectural technology was further developed and lifestyles were changed. There was also integration of northern and southern cultures, with rites concerning granary and toilet deities coming from China, and the personality of the kitchen deity being related to the southern sea. In addition, the use of stone in separate kitchens, granaries, and toilets is a distinguishing characteristic of the East China Sea. This research is a part of the results gained from a project funded by the Korea Research Foundation in 2006.

A study of the gods worshiped in the Japanese homes of Utsunoya Village in Shizuoka (일본의 가정에서 모시는 신 연구 - 시즈오카현 우쓰노야 마을을 중심으로 -)

  • KIM, Dukmuk
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.54 no.4
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    • pp.212-231
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    • 2021
  • This study examines the types of gods worshiped in the homes of Utsunoya village, the places where they are enshrined, the rituals and food offered to the gods, the decorations during the rituals, and the people's beliefs. Also, by comparing the gods worshiped in houses in remote Utsunoya with those of downtown Shizuoka, the differences and changes in the gods worshiped in the two contemporary spaces were predicted. Today, the gods enshrined in Utsunoya's houses are amatelaseu oomikami (天照大神), ancestor, ebisu, daigoku, kojin, inari, the god of the toilet, the god of land, and the god of water. From December 31st to January 3rd and on January 15th, Obon (July 15th), October when there is a festival at the village shrine, and on Ebisu Day (October 19th and 20th), residents offer drinks and food to the gods. Japanese beliefs at home are polytheistic in nature. They maintain national identity through kamidana and maintain family identity through ancestor worship linked to the Buddhist altar. The Japanese beliefs at home are firmly established in the background of the home, the base of family life. Japanese houses have a strong character as a religious space where they coexist "with the gods," and the residents have a cultural tradition of living with the gods.

On the Influence Each Other Between the Monks in the Buddhist Temples and the Society in Towns or Villages (중국(中國) 지방사회(地方社會)와 불교사원(佛敎寺院) 그리고 승인(僧人)의 상호(相互) 영향(影響)에 관한 일고(一考))

  • Yan, Yao zhong
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.45 no.3
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    • pp.60-79
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    • 2012
  • Environment of ancient Chinese Buddhist temple can be classified to three types such as regional society(鄕村), famous mountain(名山), and urban areas(都市). This made differences in environment where a temple existed and in turn, affected development of Buddhism. And this made another type in relationship between Buddhist temple and a society. This study explains influences which regional society gave on not only Buddhist temple and a monk but also existence and development of Buddhism. When temples are placed in different environmental position, that is, urban areas and regional society, among a social structure, they eventually should adapt to a different society externally and internally. As told in above, ancient Chinese Buddhist temple was located in regional society, famous mountain, and urban areas. Since Eastern Jin and Sixteen Kingdoms, as number of temple much increased, and temples and monks were concentrated on famous mountain, temples in famous mountains and urban areas had developed showing similar aspects each other. But because temples in regional society were influenced a little differently, this study focused on the point. There are four kinds of influences between temples and monks in regional areas. Monks in regional areas had a comparatively close relationship with a society because they came from same area or surrounding areas. Therefore,powers of regional areas restrict influences made by monk group in temple. Second, temples in regional areas shared their joys and sorrows depending on regional economy. Temples in regional areas became a public place for the society and often a market place. In fact, construction and existence of a temple originally became a driving force in regional economy. This is because construction of temple needs artisans and materials and some temples had visitors and included market economy like consumption of incense and candles, though the economic size was large or small. And when regional areas experienced natural disaster or man-made disaster or had poor harvest or economy was in depression, monks left temples and then, temples themselves could not exist. Third, the relationship between temples in regional areas and Buddhists was distinguished from the temples in urban areas and famous mountains. This is because temples in China were places where monks practiced and at the same time, places where general Buddhists worshipped. So there were always a number of Buddhists around the temples. Forth, Buddhism in resional areas was connected to regional Folk beliefs. As a result, Buddhism was spread across the nation, worship with local color often was changed to Buddhist belief or was tinged with Buddhism. While temples in regional areas maintained a close relationship with regional society.they were influenced by the region or gave influences. As a representative example, temples in regional areas showed model behaviors instead of roles of facilities related to various cultures with comparatively advanced level - for example, school, hospital etc. The temples highly affected funerary rites in regional areas. Chinese tombs were mainlymade in regional areas. After death,people living in urban areas were buried in hometown or at least, they were buried in suburbs not urban areas. Temples in regional areas generally participated in funerary rites. Above shows that though most of famous Buddhist temples were located in urban areas not in famous mountains,majority of temples were located in vast regional areas. Through mutual interaction between temples and regional society, the temples in the regional areas were related to Chinese people of over 90% and regional areas became the most important foundation for Buddhism in China. Mutual influences between temples in regional areas and the general public in regions were omnidirectional and spreaded to every aspects of social life in small or large degree. Thus Tombs in temple were widely spreaded across regional areas over time and space. This is enough to explain a close relationship between Buddhist temples and rural society in ancient China.