• 중국학논총
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• no.65
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• pp.235-264
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• 2020

本文稿旨在就世界经济两大支柱体美国和中国在过去2年间持续的贸易纷争的背景和性质, 发展过程以及对两国经济的影响等进行概括总结。与此同时, 本文还将探索贸易摩擦作为G2之间争夺霸权的战争, 是否会波及到日益紧张的南中国海以及台湾海峡的局势。为此, 本文还将就以2008年世界金融危机为起点飞跃发展的中国, 与在冷战后维持单极体制的美国相对抗进而逐渐确立新两国体制的过程, 以及G2格局出现以后, 美, 中新冷战格局形成的过程等进行研究。

• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.224-257
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• 2017

As the Trump administration withdraws the Paris Climate Agreement and shows its antipathy toward free trade, the U.S.'s soft power is most likely to weaken and its behaviors could be perceived as acts to surrender the U.S. hegemonic leadership in the world stage. Hegemonic stability theory notes that the existence of a hegemonic power contributes to international stability in the sense that it provides international public goods. A lack of the U.S's leadership in international politics, however, could be recognized as its denial of a hegemonic status. Is it intentional or accidental? The U.S's denial of hegemonic roles is the byproduct of the Trump administration's "American First" policy, not the showcase of its intention to transit hegemony to others. What is noteworthy is that China targets a niche market of hegemony as the U.S. denies its roles as the international leader. Put it another way, China attempts to ride hegemony for free when the U.S. denies its hegemonic roles accidentally. Faced with a niche market of hegemony, China has begun to accelerate its national strategy to make "Chinese Dream" come true. To that end, China promised again to keep the Paris Climate Agreement and attempts to play more active its roles in Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO), Asia Infra Investment Bank(AIIB), and "One Belt, One Road". Despite all these efforts, the U.S. is most likely to withdraw its denial of hegemony any time soon. The U.S's resumption of Freedom of Navigation Operations(FONOPs) could be a precursor of the return to a hegemonic power's willingness. In this vein, it is noteworthy that the South China Sea serves as a quasi-war zone for hegemonic conflict.

• Ocean and Polar Research
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.273-285
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• 2006

As the political arguments on international power concept has gradually been deepened, the role of international regimes, defined as principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures around which nation-actors' expectations converge in a given issue-area, has also been reinforced. There are many ways of understanding about international regimes. In terms of realistic theories, international regimes are one of methods of maintaining hegemonic power order of hegemonic nation and in terms of liberalistic theories, international regimes are understood as the products of mutual inter-dependence of nations in changing international society. As a matter of fact, if we take structural causes and regime consequences into severe consideration, we can find not a few characteristics of international regimes, such as security regime, world trade and fiance regime, ocean regime, environmental regime, human right regime, etc. This paper will examine the changing concept of power after World War II in three categories of hard power (military power), meta power (regime creating power), and soft power (advanced in cultural, diplomatical, and technological power). This paper will provide the evidence of why the changing power concepts will be strongly related with the emergence of international regimes. The UN convention on the law of the sea will chosen as a standard case of the ocean regime and it's regime structure and role will also be analysed in both realistic :md liberalistic theories. Futhermore, the nations' interests involved in the UN convention on the law of the sea will be analytically classified and finally a future prospectus of the UN convention on the law of the sea as an ocean regime will be tested.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.52
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• pp.165-194
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• 2018

Employing Fairclough's critical discourse analysis (CDA), the purpose of this study was to analyze linguistically significant features, intertextuality, and sociocultural practice focusing on selected editorials of The Global Times, $Hu{\acute{a}}nqi{\acute{u}}$ Shíbào on the 2018 United States-China Trade War. The editorial titled "With the strong will of 'the War to Resist America and Aid Chosun,' let us go through the trade war against America" focused on the use of 'war' related vocabulary in the frame of 'war.' First, "Trade War" and "War to Resist America and Aid Chosun" are examples that reveal metaphors and a war frame. Second, "Strategy" is used positively for China but negatively towards America. Third, various war related words are used. Fourth, cases of allusion illustrate war. Intertextuality in terms of discourse practice pertains to two findings. First, The Global Times, $Hu{\acute{a}}nqi{\acute{u}}$ Shíbào repeatedly uses the phrase 'equivalent revenge.' That is because the expression enables China to justify their counterattack and such war that China may wage can be interpreted as just counterattack much like a self-defense mechanism. Second, the expression, 'the counterattack is not intended but it is not fearful' is repeated in several editorials of the newspaper. The reasons are the following: 1) it is used to appeal to the public, 2) by invoking the feeling of fear, the public should be understand why they should unite, and 3) the expression, "it is not fearful" is used to preserve China's global image and "the counterattack is not intended" is used to signal China's will to America. The whole expression is a good example of intertextuality that repetitively illustrates the intended meaning of China in nine editorials in the newspaper within three months, March 23-June 17, 2018. Finally, sociocultural practice is manipulated through the editorial for disseminating the Chinese government's hegemonic ideology. First, it is clear that the core national project, "China Manufacturing 2025" cannot be abandoned. Second, by calling for "War to Resist America and Aid Chosun" the editorial is manipulated to condemn and intimidate America, avoid dissent of the people, appeal to the people, and empower the government. Third, China somehow wants to open up the possibility of negotiation with the United Sates.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• v.27 no.5
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• pp.137-152
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• 2023

Purpose - Although many existing studies on the US-China hegemonic conflict and decoupling have been published, most of them are qualitative and use descriptive analysis methods. Papers that quantitatively analyzed decoupling mainly estimate the effect of a tariff increase. However, this paper quantitatively analyzed the ripple effect by focusing on decoupling technology spillover between the United States and China. And, for the first time, it was suggested that the blocking of technology spillover could give a fatal blow to the East Asian economy as well as China. Design/methodology - The United States is pursuing decoupling with China, primarily in goods trade and blocking technology transfer. This paper sets up various scenarios and uses three computational general equilibrium (CGE) models to analyze the overall ripple effects of decoupling. A paper using the three CGE models for decoupling ripple effect analysis has not yet been published. Findings - Decoupling will hit the economies of regions with close economic ties to China more than others. According to simulation results of this study, the Chinese economy may suffer severe damage that is difficult to recover from, and the economies of Asian countries are predicted to deteriorate to the point of being choked. Originality/value - Existing papers that assessed the effect of decoupling mostly focus on estimating the effect itself through tariff hikes. This paper is meaningful in that it comprehensively analyzed decoupling by adding the effect of technology spillover blockade. In addition, another meaning can be found in that it quantified for the first time that it will deal a huge blow to the extent of choking the East Asian economy as well as China.