• Title/Summary/Keyword: $m{\grave{u}}m{\acute{i}}n$ and $zh{\grave{i}}zh{\grave{i}}$

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A Study on Printed Books of $M\grave{e}ngz\check{i}$ in Choseon Dynasty (조선시대에 간행된 <맹자(孟子)>의 제판본(諸板本)에 관한 연구(硏究))

  • Ahn, Hyeon-Ju
    • Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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    • v.37 no.1
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    • pp.305-328
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    • 2006
  • This paper is a bibliographic analysis on printed books of $M\grave{e}ngz\check{i}$(孟子) in Choseon Dynasty. Through examination of the physical characteristics of books in many institutes and private collections, $M\grave{e}ngz\check{i}j\acute{i}zh\grave{u}d\grave{a}q\acute{a}n$(孟子集註大全)was systematically explored, which was the most frequently published $M\grave{e}ngz\check{i}$(孟子) in Choseon Dynasty. $M\grave{e}ngz\check{i}$(孟子) was published mainly in Kyungki and Kyungsang provinces, and in the period of 17C to 19C. There are two streams of $M\grave{e}ngz\check{i}j\acute{i}zh\grave{u}d\grave{a}q\acute{a}n$. One is the series of the reprinted edition of $M\acute{i}ngbon$(明本覆刻), originated from Saseookyungdaejun(四書五經大全), compiled by Hokwang(湖廣) and colleagues in $M\acute{i}ng$(明). The second is the series of Chungyuja books(丁酉字本) among movable type books of Choseon(朝鮮活字本), the contents of which being the same as the other stream. Also, $M\grave{e}ngz\check{i}d\grave{a}iw\acute{e}n$(孟予大文) and $M\grave{e}ngz\check{i}zh\grave{e}ngw\acute{e}n$(孟子正文) are frequently published.

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The Leadership in Korean Confucianism and its Modern Characteristics : Chíjìng(持敬) to Zhìzhì(至治), the Leadership Wisdom (한국 유학의 리더십과 그 현대적 특징 - 지경(持敬)에서 지치(至治)로, 지혜의 리더십 -)

  • Kim, Dong-Min
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.23
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    • pp.7-65
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    • 2008
  • The object of this essay is to apply the Leadership Theory, current interest in Asian Philosophy, to Korean appliance. This is to associate contemporary Leadership Theory with Chosun Confucianism in order to discover the Korean Leadership Prototype, and seek the possibility of applying it for modern usage. The essay uses two analysis models. The tools used for the methodology consists of the personal characteristics of the leader as one axis and ruling out the roles in order to develop the discussion as the other axis. First axis is the process of the leader setting the identity and strengthening the ability to successfully deploy his/her leadership. The second axis is comprised of four specific fields where the leadership is deployed. The four sectors are Self Sector, Relationship Sector, Team Sector and Community Sector. Core values of each sector have been set up and specific competences have been presented. In the Self Sector, $zh{\grave{i}}x{\bar{i}}n$(治心) and $ch{\acute{i}}j{\grave{i}}ng$(持敬) have been set as core values and $l{\grave{i}}zh{\grave{i}}$(立志) and $sh{\acute{i}}x{\bar{i}}n$(實心) as their competences. In the Relationship Sector and Team Sector, circumstances(時宜) and $sh{\acute{i}}sh{\grave{i}}g{\bar{e}}ngzh{\bar{a}}ng$(實事更張) were set as core values, accordingly. Lastly for the Community sector, the core value, 'Ideal Leader and the Visions of and Ideal Community', was conceptualized as '$m{\grave{ui}}m{\acute{i}}nzh{\grave{i}}zh{\grave{i}}$(牧民至治)'. The leadership is then expanded from the Self Sector to the final stage through its processes. Through this research, it can be found out that the Korean Leadership Model is not rigid to just cover a specific point in time or situation, but embraces many contemporary leadership concepts, thus having the characteristics of a comprehensive leadership theory.

A Study on the Usage of Miào(廟) and Gōng(宮) in Zhou Dynasty through the Mentions to Them in the Scripture Sentences of 『Chūn-qiū(春秋)』 - In the Process of Investigating the Existence of Zhou Dynasty's System to Regulate the Number of Zōng-miào(宗廟) 【1/2】 (『춘추』 경문에서의 묘(廟)·궁(宮) 언급을 통한 주대(周代)의 그 쓰임 사례 일고찰 - 주대의 묘수제(廟數制) 실재 여부에 대한 궁구 과정에서 【1/2】-)

  • Seo, Jeong-Hwa
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.57
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    • pp.57-90
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    • 2018
  • In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.