Against Pied-Piping

I claim that the asymmetry of locality effects in wh-questions involving Complex Noun Phrase Island in Korean follows from the proposal for the asymmetric mode of scope taking between way (why) and the other wh-words in Korean as laid out in Choi (2002). 1 will show that the present proposal is superio. to the LF pied-piping approach in Nishigauchi (1990) and WH-structure pied-piping in von Stechow(1996) in that it does not have the fatal problem of wrong semantics in Nishigauchi and Subjacency violation problem in von Stechow. The crossed reading in examples involving Wh-island has an interesting implication for the mechanism of unselective binding, suggesting that Heim's (1982) quantifier indexing mechanism, which requires the local unselective binding of the indefinite by the unselective binder, may be too strong.